Ahmet Ağaoğlu

Life

Early life

Ahmet Ağaoğlu was born in 1869 in the city of Shusha, Azerbaijan. His father, Mirza Hasan Bey, was from the Kurdlar clan of Karabakh. This tribe had migrated from Erzurum, which was predominantly inhabited by ethnic Azerbaijani Turks in the 18th century, to Ganja, and later settled in Karabakh. His father, Mirza Hasan Bey, was a wealthy cotton farmer. The title mirza granted to his father indicates that the family belonged to the intellectual class. His grandfather, Mirza Ibrahim, was one of the most renowned scholars of Shusha. He was a calligrapher and wrote poetry in the Turkish language. Additionally, his uncles were proficient in Turkish, as well as Persian, Arabic, and Russian. His mother, Taza Hanim, was the daughter of Rafi Bey from the Sarijali clan of Shusha and the sister of Zeynalabdin Bey Rafibeyov.

Raymond Kévorkian notes that Ağaoğlu was descended from a family of dönmes, Turkish-speaking Jews who had earlier converted to Islam.

Education

Secondary education

Ahmet Ağaoğlu noted in his memoirs that his mother and uncle played a significant role in his education. His uncle, Mirza Mahammad, wanted Ahmet to become a mujtahid and hired teachers to teach him Persian and Arabic from the age of six. Initially, Agaoglu studied at a neighborhood school, but at his mother's initiative, he also secretly took Russian lessons. Despite being religious, his mother disliked clerics and mullahs. Agaoglu wrote that her views redirected his education from Najaf and Karbala to St. Petersburg and Paris.

In 1881, when a six-grade secondary school was opened in Shusha, the Karabakh governor gathered the local Muslim community at Khurshidbanu Natavan's house, urging them to enroll their children in the school. Ahmet's father promised the governor that he would send him to the Shusha Real School. Two of his teachers at this school—history teacher Shineyovski and mathematics teacher Palekarp—had a significant influence on him. Both were opponents of the Tsarist regime and promoted revolutionary ideas within the school. It was here that Agaoglu first encountered Western ideologies. In his memoirs, Ahmet Ağaoğlu wrote that the school was located in the Armenian neighborhood of the city, and among the 45 students, only five were Muslim. He falsely claimed that Armenian students were very hostile toward Turks, constantly harassing the Turkish pupils. Four of the Turkish students could not endure this environment and left the school, but Ahmet persevered and successfully completed his studies. He described these events in his memoirs as follows:

During the years of our education, it is impossible to put into words the suffering we endured from the Armenian children. During recess, we, the five Turkish children, considered it a great skill to quickly back ourselves against the wall. Hundreds of Armenian children would suddenly attack us; one would grab our hats and throw them, others would kick the Bukhara fur, worth four or five gold, rolling it across the ground. Some would grab the hems of our valuable coats, often made of camel wool, pulling and tearing them, removing their decorations. If we tried to resist, we would be crushed under punches, slaps, and kicks.

Sometimes, they would fabricate an accusation against us, join forces as witnesses, and have us unjustly punished. Most of my companions could not endure it and left the school. Until the final grade, I was the only Turk who managed to persevere.

Higher education

In August 1887, Agaoglu went to St. Petersburg to pursue higher education and rented a room in the home of a Christian family. The family was very surprised to learn that Agaoglu was Turkish, as until then, only Armenians and members of other Christian ethnicities had come to St. Petersburg for higher education. The family knew of no Turks pursuing education there, and Agaoglu understood their astonishment, given that Armenians and other Christians had pursued education before Turks.

The Caucasian youth Agaoglu met in St. Petersburg took him to the dormitory of the Caucasian Students' Union, where he discovered that there were four other Turks. Among them was Alimardan Topchubashov, who would later represent Azerbaijan in Paris, and Ali Bey Huseynzade, the grandson of a former Caucasian Sheikh ul-Islam. The other two Turkish students were studying civil engineering. Agaoglu successfully passed all his exams at the Technological Institute. However, during his final exam in algebra, he solved the problem outside the standard program. The professor, assuming Agaoglu was Jewish, refused to accept his answer despite its correctness. This incident deeply disappointed Agaoglu and fostered a strong sense of hatred toward Russians. He described those days in his memoirs as follows:

The injustice done to me burned me from within. The disappointment mixed with a blow to my pride was tormenting me. My anger was so intense that I was ready to drown all of Russia in a spoonful of water. From the Tsar to the nihilist, from professors at the university to the press and literature, from the language to the science—anyone or anything that carried the Russian name or the Russian scent, I harbored deep hatred, rage, and hostility toward.

No, no, I cannot stay here. I cannot live in St. Petersburg. I must leave. But where, and how?

I was only 19 years old. Ah, the boldness, the heat, the carefreeness, and the initiative that come with that age! A voice inside me screamed, 'Paris, Paris!' Yes, I will go to Paris. I will study there, graduate from its university, and in this way, I will take a burning revenge on the Russians, and at the same time, I will elevate my own sense of dignity to the highest level.

On January 8, 1888, Ahmet Ağaoğlu arrived in Paris. During his train journey, a woman he met suggested that he stay at Hotel de Peterbourg, a place frequented by visitors from Russia. With no acquaintances in Paris and not knowing French, he headed to the hotel. However, it quickly became clear that the hotel expenses were high. An employee of the hotel introduced him to two Georgian students studying in Paris through mutual friends. The Georgian students helped him find a room to rent. After settling in a room rented from an elderly woman, he began learning French. However, after a while, he ran out of money and fell into debt. Later, with money sent from home, he paid off his debts and moved into a boarding house on Rue de Glacier. Here, he met two Iranians and three Egyptians. Following their advice, he started attending lectures at the College de France and the École des Hautes Études Pratiques. At the College de France, French philosopher and historian Ernest Renan delivered weekly lectures, while at the École des Hautes Études Pratiques, James Darmesteter gave lectures on The History of Eastern Peoples. Both figures played a significant role in shaping Ahmet Ağaoğlu's intellectual development. In the 1888–1889 academic year, he began studying law at the Sorbonne. However, his interests were not limited to law alone. He developed a fascination with the history of Eastern civilizations and religions and enrolled in the School of Oriental Languages. There, he took lessons from experts in Eastern languages, such as Charles Schefer and Barber de Meynard. Later, upon the advice of James Darmesteter, he joined the intellectual club organized by Juliette Adam, founder and editor of La Nouvelle Revue. This exclusive club gathered intellectuals in France who engaged in discussions on politics, science, history, and philosophy. Between 1891 and 1893, Ahmet Ağaoğlu published a series of articles titled Persian Society in La Nouvelle Revue. In 1892, he gave a lecture at the International Congress of Orientalists in London on Beliefs in Mazdakism in Shia Islam. The text of the lecture was later published in several Western languages at the expense of Cambridge University.

Activity

Ahmet Ağaoğlu published his articles on social and political topics in French press outlets such as Journal de Débat, Revü Been, and Nouvye Revyü. The articles he wrote in France were sent to newspapers like Kavkaz and Sharki Rus.

After completing his education in France in 1894, Ahmet Ağaoğlu returned to Tiflis, where he taught French at a local gymnasium for two years. He continued his collaboration with Kavkaz newspaper during this time. In 1896, he returned to Shusha. There, he began teaching French at the Shusha Real School and opened the first library and reading room in the city. For this reason, the people of Shusha started calling him "Firəng Əhməd" (French Ahmet). However, after he left Shusha, the reading room and library ceased their activities.

Ahmet Ağaoğlu believed in the importance of newspaper publishing to spread his ideas. However, after the Kashkul newspaper was closed in 1891, the Caucasus Censorship Committee imposed a ban on printing newspapers in Azerbaijani. At the same time, 19 newspapers in Armenian and Georgian were operating within the Russian Empire. At the end of the 19th century, when Mohammad Shahtakhtinski tried to get permission to publish a newspaper in Azerbaijani, the head of the Russian Empire's Printing Department, Solovyov, told him, "I definitely cannot allow a newspaper to be printed in Azerbaijani. What need does your people have for a newspaper? Your intellectuals should read in Russian, and the simple Azerbaijanis should just let their sheep graze."

In 1896, Haji Zeynalabdin Taghiyev purchased the newspaper Kaspi and handed it over to the Azerbaijani intellectuals. The newspaper became a platform for the national intelligentsia, with articles written by prominent figures like Ali Mardan bey Topchubashov, Ali bey Huseynzadeh, Hasan bey Zardabi, and Firidun bey Kocherli. In 1897, at the invitation of Haji Zeynalabdin Taghiyev, Ahmet Ağaoğlu moved to Baku to work for Kaspi. After settling in Baku, his articles mostly addressed the issues of the Muslim society, focusing on women's problems. He believed that the path to national liberation lay through the cultural and educational advancement of society. He was one of the first intellectuals to call for equal rights for women in Azerbaijan, promoting the idea that women's freedom was a key factor in the struggle for liberation. His contributions to Kaspi led to the newspaper becoming more popular, with its circulation reaching up to 10,000 copies at certain times, a significant achievement for a daily newspaper. In his series of articles, Women in the Islamic World and Islam, Akhund and Hatif al-Ghayb, he criticized the religious establishment, particularly the imams and clerics, arguing that they had caused harm to Islam. The articles were not well received by religious leaders, and as a result, a fatwa was issued for his death. According to his son, Samet Ağaoğlu, he was confined to his home for six months, with police protection provided for his safety. It was only through Taghiyev's intervention that he was saved from this dangerous situation.

Ottoman Empire

After months of living secretly in the homes of his friends, due to persecution and the threat of arrest, in the middle of 1909, he had to move to Istanbul. In Istanbul, he worked as an inspector in the field of education and later became the director of the Süleymaniye Library. During his time as an inspector, he visited all of Istanbul's private, public primary, and secondary schools, and based on his observations, he prepared a report on the current situation and proposed reforms. He believed that solving the problems in education played a crucial role in the country's future. In October 1909, he began teaching Turkish-Mongolian history and Russian at the Istanbul University. During this period, Ahmet Ağaoğlu's Turkism ideology became the central focus of his activities. His university role wasn't limited to teaching; he was also actively involved in organizing and improving education. In 1911, he was elected the head of the reform commission for the Faculty of Philology and later became the dean of the faculty. After getting his affairs in order, he wrote a letter to his family, stating that he was considering staying in Turkey. His wife, Sitare Hanim, agreed to come to Turkey as well. In 1910, he moved his family to Istanbul.

After moving to Istanbul, Ahmet Ağaoğlu continued his journalistic activities and from 1909 onwards, he published a series of articles on topics such as Letters from Turkey and The National Question in Turkey in the Kaspi newspaper. In addition, he wrote articles for newspapers and journals in Istanbul such as Sırat-ı Müstakim, Sebilürreşad, Hikmet and Ateş'. He also collaborated with newspapers such as Suruş, published in Persian for the Iranian population, and Le Jeune Turc, published in French. In 1912, after the death of Ahmet Mithat, the founder of the Tercüman-ı Hakikat newspaper, he briefly took over the leadership of this weekly publication. In the same year, he was arrested twice for his articles but was soon released.

Ahmet Ağaoğlu initially became a member of the Turkish Society, founded by Yusuf Akçura. Later, in 1911, he became one of the six founders of the Türk Ocağı society. The aim of the society was to open a boarding school for Turkish children and to increase the intellectual level among Turks by publishing a newspaper. In September 1911, the society began publishing a journal called Türk Yurdu.He started writing articles for the journal. As a result of the journal's propaganda, Turkism ideas began to spread within the society. In 1911, 190 students from the Military Medical School addressed a letter to Akçura requesting the creation of a new organization. Later, with the participation of student representatives from the school and intellectuals like Akçura and Ağaoğlu, the Turk Ocakı organization was founded. He was among the founding members of the organization. Türk Yurdu and Türk Ocağı organizations began to gain recognition throughout Turkey. While the Türk Ocakı organization had 3,000 members in 1914, by 1920, their number had exceeded 30,000. Both organizations played a significant role in the Turkish War of Independence.

In the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic

On May 28, 1918, Azerbaijan declared the Declaration of Independence. To save the people from physical annihilation, the newly established government requested military support from the Ottoman state based on Article IV of the Batumi Treaty signed between the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Ottoman Empire on June 4, 1918. Following this, the Caucasian Islamic Army was formed under the command of Nuru Pasha. Ağaoğlu was sent to Azerbaijan along with the Caucasian Islamic Army as Nuru Pasha's political advisor. After the army reached Ganja, disagreements arose between Nuru Pasha and the existing Azerbaijani government, leading to the June crisis. A debate emerged between those supporting the establishment of a national government and the annexationists who advocated for Azerbaijan's unification with the Ottoman Empire. Ağaoğlu, as an annexationist, supported Azerbaijan's unification with the Ottoman state. He viewed the representation of Azerbaijani and Anatolian Turks, who were geographically, culturally, linguistically, and ethnically so close, as separate states as a form of division. Despite such tense circumstances, during his time in Ganja, Ahmet Ağaoğlu founded a newspaper called Türk Sözü. However, the newspaper only published two issues due to the army's movement to liberate Baku.

On December 26, 1918, Ağaoğlu was elected as a member of the Parliament of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic from the Zangezur district as a neutral representative. Thus, he became both a representative of Qarahi̇sar-i Sahi̇b in the Ottoman Empire's Meclis-i Mebusan and a representative of Zangezur in the Parliament of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. At the fifth session of the Parliament of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, held on December 26, 1918, Ahmet Ağaoğlu emphasized the importance of introducing independence to internal forces before seeking recognition from foreign states. Therefore, he called for the establishment of a government capable of eliminating both internal and external enemies. Additionally, he demanded that everyone of eligible age, regardless of social class, should serve in the military. Highlighting the absence of delegations sent abroad to seek international recognition for the country, he stressed the urgency of this matter, stating:

Honorable gentlemen! The previous speaker, my esteemed colleague, delivered a heartfelt and passionate speech about the government, with which I agree in content. However, there is a difference between him and me: his enthusiasm burns brightly, while mine has dimmed; he is young, I am old. He has the right to dream a little in the clouds, but I am obliged to look at the ground. The independence of Azerbaijan, proclaimed in the government’s declaration, is the supreme goal for all of us. Every Azerbaijani who understands their dignity and ideals must embrace and pursue this cause. However, for this ideal not to perish and to transition from mere words to action, the first essential factor is the government itself. We must not forget that our country is surrounded by immense dangers. A storm of dark nights looms, and we are tossed like a piece of wood in the midst of this tempest. It is the government that can save us from this. To accomplish this, I want a resolute government. Yet, this piece of wood is not composed solely of us, so we cannot act thoughtlessly. That piece of wood also includes 3 million Azerbaijanis, their honor, women, and children. By saving them, we fulfill a great duty. I fully support the statement of the prime minister regarding the responsibilities he has taken upon himself. However, the government must also have a program. That program must steer this piece of wood, providing direction without looking left or right, and resolutely row it toward the shores of salvation.But what can the government's steering wheel and oars consist of? One is the program it establishes for itself, and the other, as revealed in the declaration, is the recognition of our independence. Before securing foreign recognition, we must ensure the approval of our government domestically. Therefore, our government must be one that can eliminate both internal and external enemies. Unfortunately, the government has not yet demonstrated its will. Regretfully, I must state with sorrow that within the government, tasks have been entrusted to individuals who were not fit for them. Therefore, I deem it necessary to undertake decisive measures to reform the government internally. I wish for the most deserving and prudent individuals to be appointed to key positions. Only through such means can misuse of authority be eradicated, and the government can make its presence felt in all regions. Additionally, the Prime Minister emphasized the necessity of organizing an army. Without this, the government cannot assert itself to anyone. Thus, I find it essential that everyone, regardless of class, be conscripted. No leniency should be shown to anyone, whether high or low. All those evading conscription or hiding must be thoroughly pursued and conscripted into the army, with strict punishments meted out to them. Otherwise, if a farmer’s child is taken while others are spared, they have every right to object. This is the kind of resolve and determination I expect from the government. Regarding foreign relations, once again, I must lament past shortcomings. Until now, necessary foreign measures have not been taken. For instance, we should have sent representatives to negotiate with our neighbors, including Armenia. The Armenian-Muslim relations and the reconciliation of all South Caucasian nations are among our greatest challenges and should be our primary duty. This task cannot be achieved by having representatives from both sides alone. However, we should have already introduced our independence to Europe, showing them that Azerbaijan is not just a geographic term but represents a nation living on this land. Until now, Azerbaijan has not asserted its existence to Europe. Two primary duties lie ahead. My esteemed colleague before me, with a somewhat idealistic perspective, spoke of democracy in grand terms. Alas! I believe achieving such results for those who do not assert themselves is nearly impossible. Recognition is contingent upon influence and connections. Unfortunately, it is regrettable to admit that we have not yet gained influence in Europe through well-executed propaganda. Our path to Europe remains closed; we are unaware of what is happening there. Yet, our destiny is tied to events in Europe. We must know what is happening in Europe and adapt our policies accordingly. The lack of couriers maintaining connections with Europe is another regret I must express. It is impossible to conduct politics by sitting at desks for five years, isolated from external developments. My purpose in highlighting all these past mistakes is to ensure they are not repeated in the future. I hope the government demonstrates full determination and pressure in implementing its declaration. I trust him despite the neutrals.

Malta exile

At the end of February, Ahmet Ağaoğlu contracted the Spanish flu, which delayed his arrest. For two weeks, he lay gravely ill with a fever of 40°C. During this time, İttihadists such as Ziya Gökalp and Huseyin Cahit were arrested. By mid-March, although his condition had improved, he was still bedridden. A few days later, two policemen arrived at his home, claiming they had information about a possible burglary and were there to protect the family. In reality, their purpose was to prevent Ağaoğlu from fully recovering and fleeing, and to arrest him. The next day, the officers arrested him. Despite a doctor's assessment that his imprisonment would be life-threatening and unsuitable for his condition, he was taken to the Eminonu Police Station. On March 19, 1919, he was transferred to Bekirağa division, a military prison where the Ottoman Empire held highly dangerous political prisoners. Shortly after their arrests, the Ottoman Minister of Education, Ali Kamal, eager to appease the British, ordered the dismissal of Ağaoğlu and Ziya Gökalp from their positions as lecturers at Istanbul University. This left Ağaoğlu's wife, Sitare Hanim, and their five children—the eldest only 17 years old—deprived of their sole stable income. While the Azerbaijani delegation was in Turkey, it provided financial assistance of 150 Turkish lira to Ağaoğlu's family, who were living in hardship. Additionally, during his imprisonment, friends such as Haydar Rifat bey and Ali bey Huseynzade offered constant moral support to his family.

Samet Ağaoğlu recalls a conversation between his mother and father as follows:

Once again, my mother and I were at Bekiragha. My mother said, "Ahmet, there’s a voice inside me. I’ve been thinking for days. These people are going to hand you over to the British!"

My father looked at his wife in surprise. "What do you mean, hand us over?"

My mother smiled. "They can’t do anything to you themselves. And they’re too scared to release you. That’s why they’ll hand you over to the British. It’s the easiest way for them."

My father’s angry voice still echoes in my ears: "You’ve lost your mind, Sitare. How can a state hand over its citizen to the enemy? What honor would that state have left? Being defeated is one thing, but dishonor is another! Get that idea out of your head. Whatever they’re going to do to us, they’ll do it here!"

Activities in Turkey

In Turkey, in order to promote the fight against the enemy, propaganda groups called Irshad were sent to various parts of Anatolia. Ahmet Ağaoğlu was offered to lead one of these groups, and he accepted the proposal. His group was to travel along the Çankırı-Kastamonu-İnebolu road, spreading propaganda among the population, and then continue on the Trabzon-Gümüşhane-Bayburt route to reach Kars. In Kars, a daily newspaper and a teachers' seminar were to be established. He was assigned to lead both the newspaper and the school. At the end of July 1921, he, along with two companions, left Ankara in a two-wheeled carriage and set off on their propaganda mission. Despite significant difficulties, over the course of four and a half months, they conducted active propaganda work in many cities and towns. At the end of 1921 and the beginning of 1922, Ağaoğlu accompanied Russian Ambassador S. Aralov from Batum to Ankara. Aralov wrote about this experience in his memoirs.

On October 29, 1921, while Ahmet Ağaoğlu was in Kars, he was appointed as the head of the Press and Information Directorate (Matbuat ve İstihbarat Umum Müdirliği) in Ankara. He was entrusted with leading almost all of the information policy of the Kemalist movement. In December 1921, he returned to Ankara and began leading the Anadolu Agency. Additionally, he served as the editor of the newspaper Hakimiyet-i Milliye. He wrote regularly for the newspaper, and later compiled these articles into a book titled İhtilal mi, inkilap mı (Is It a Revolution or a Reformation).

On July 22, 1923, he was elected as a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) from Kars with 158 votes. He began his parliamentary work on August 11, 1923. During his time in the TBMM, he was a member of several important parliamentary commissions, including those on International Relations and Constitutional Reforms. As a member of the Constitutional Commission, he played a significant role in the preparation and adoption of the new Turkish constitution in 1924. On August 2, 1927, he was elected as a member of the TBMM for a second time from Kars.

On December 29, 1922, Ahmet Ağaoğlu, along with his colleagues, succeeded in restoring the activities of the Turkish Hearths (Türk Ocaqları) society, of which he was one of the founders. Starting from March 1923, the society's publication, the Türk Yurdu journal, resumed its operations. In 1924, during the first post-war congress of the Turkish Hearths, he was elected as a member of the organization's Central Committee.

Death and Burial

In the last days of his life, when Ahmet Ağaoğlu was bedridden. He died on May 19, 1939, in Istanbul due to liver inflammation and heart failure. His funeral was brought from his house in Nişantaşı to the Teşvikiye Mosque. After the funeral prayer, he was buried next to his wife in the Feriköy cemetery. The farewell ceremony was attended by the governor, mayors, Lütfü Kırdar, Bolu MP Recep Peker, many MPs, representatives from the province, party and municipality, students and professors from universities, press workers, teachers and students from girls' schools, friends, and students he mentored. At his grave, Dr. Fethi Edib, Ismail Habib, and writer Peyami Safa delivered speeches, praising his contributions to science, Turkism, and the education of the younger generation. Wreaths were placed on his grave from various universities, Anadolu Agency, Galatasaray Sports Club, the press office, Ankara University's law faculty, and his friends. From May 19 to 22, 1939, all Turkish newspapers published reports, memories, and various details about the life of Ahmet Ağaoglu.

Family

After returning to Shusha, Ahmet Ağaoğlu becomes a guest of Farrukh Bey Vezirov, with whom he studied in Petersburg. There, he meets Farrukh Bey's cousin, Sitare Hanim, a member of the famous Vazirov family, and falls in love with her. It is said that he goes against the customs of the time and proposes to her himself. This, however, displeases Sitare Hanim's mother, who refuses to give her daughter to him. Ahmet Bey and Sitare Hanim are able to marry only in 1902, after her mother's death. Their first child, Sürayya Ağaoglu, is born in Shusha in 1903. In 1909, the family moves to Istanbul to escape political persecution, and their hard times begin. After their baby son, Bashir, dies, and in 1918, when he arrives in Azerbaijan as an advisor to Nuru Pasha, their newly built house in Istanbul is burned down. After returning from Baku, he is arrested and exiled to Malta. Sitare Hanim remains alone with the large family in a foreign land. Despite the difficulties, Sitare Hanim does not let himy feel the hardships in the letters she sends him. To raise the children, she sells everything in the house, but does not inform him about the hardships.Sitare Hanim dies in 1933 at the age of 52. Ahmet Bey and Sitare Hanim had seven children. Vezir and Bashir died at a young age, while the remaining five children—Süreyya, Tezer (Tezekhanim), Abdurrahman, Samet, and Gultekin—received higher education and played significant roles in Turkey's social and political life.

Süreyya Ağaoglu was born in 1903 in Shusha. She was the first female student at the Faculty of Law at Istanbul University. After completing her education, she became the first female lawyer and legal expert in the East and the Turkish world. Süreyya Ağaoğlu actively participated in Turkey's political life and was one of the founders of the New Turkey Party, leading its Istanbul organization. She pioneered many firsts in Turkey's social and public life: she was a founder of the Turkish Women Lawyers Association, University Women's Association, Free Thought Dissemination Association, Soroptimist Istanbul Club, Turkish-American Universities Association, and Children's Friends Association, and led many of these associations. She represented Turkey at international events multiple times. She was a member of the International Lawyers Association (1952) and later became the second secretary of the Federation of Women Lawyers. In 1960, she was elected as the representative of the Women Lawyers Association at the UN Geneva Organization.

Ahmet Ağaoğlu's second daughter, Tezer Taşkıran, was born in 1907 in Baku. Although her real name was Tezekhanim, after moving to Turkey, she officially became known as Tezer. After completing her university education, Tezer worked as a philosophy teacher at both boys' and girls' high schools in Ankara. She became the first female teacher to teach at a boys' school. Later, she served as the principal of both the Ankara Girls' High School and Istanbul Girls' Teacher Training School. In 1944, she was elected as a member of the Turkish Grand National Assembly from Kastamonu, and in 1946 and 1950, she was elected from Kars. She is the author of hundreds of articles and 12 books.

Hereditary

In the cities of Baku, Shusha, Khojaly, Sheki, Ismailly, and Khankendi, one of the central streets is named after Ahmet Ağaoğlu.

Parks named after Ahmet Ağaoğlu have been established in Baku city.

The president of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, signed a decree to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Ahmet Ağaoğlu.

In 2018, many neglected graves of Azerbaijanis, including that of Ahmet Ağaoğlu, were restored in the Feriköy Cemetery. At the entrance of the cemetery, a monument was erected in memory of the founders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic on the 100th anniversary of its establishment. The monument features the official flags of Azerbaijan and Turkey and the phrase One nation, two states, along with the names of the founders of the Republic, including Ahmet Ağaoğlu.

Liberal Kemalism

Liberal Kemalism is the combination of Kemalism, the founding ideology of the Republic of Turkey, and liberalism, which is based on freedom.

Liberal Kemalism emerged as a result of the liberal interpretation of Kemalist thought by Ahmet Ağaoğlu in the early years of the republic in Turkey. Ağaoğlu, on the one hand, defined himself as a Reformist and Kemalist, on the other hand he tried to develop an idea of Liberal Kemalism.

Views

Ağaoğlu considered cultural and educational progress to be the major part for national liberation and viewed the emancipation of women as part of the struggle. Ağaoğlu was the first member of the Azeri national intelligentsia to raise his voice for the equal rights for women.

In his book Woman in the Islamic World, published in 1901, he claimed that "without women liberated, there can be no national progress".

Publications

Женщина по исламу и в исламе (Woman in the Islamic World; 1901, Tiflis)

İslam, axund və hatifülqeyb (Islam, Akhund and Hatif al-Ghayb; 1902, Baku)

Türk Teşkilat-ı Esasiyesi Şerhi (Commentary on the Turkish Constitution of 1924; 1925, Ankara)

Hukuk-ı Esasiye Ders Notları (Lecture Notes of the Principles of Law; 1926-1927, Ankara)

Üç Medeniyet (Three Civilizations; 1927, İstanbul)

İngiltere ve Hindistan (England and India; 1929, İstanbul)

Serbest İnsanlar Ülkesinde (In the Land of Free People; 1930, İstanbul)

Hukuk Tarihi (History of Law; 1931-1932, İstanbul)

Etrüsk medeniyeti ve bunların Roma medeniyeti üzerine tesiri (Etruscan Civilization and Their Influence on Roman Civilization; 1932, Ankara)

Devlet ve Fert (State and Person; 1933, İstanbul)

1550 ile 1900 arasında İran (Iran between 1550 and 1900; 1934, Ankara)

Ben Neyim (What's Me; 1939, İstanbul)

İran ve İnkılabı (Iran and Its Revolution; 1941, Ankara)

Gönülsüz Olmaz (Can't Be Unwillingly; 1941, Ankara)

İhtilal mi, İnkılap mı (Is It a Revolution or a Reformation; 1942, Ankara)

Literature

Tadeusz Swietotochwksi: Russian Azerbaijan, 1905-1920. The Shaping of National Identity in a Muslim Community, New York 1985.

François Georgeon: "Les débuts d'un intellectuel azerbaidjanais: Ahmed Ağaoğlu en France (1888-1894)", in Passé turco-tatar, présent soviétique: études offertes à Alexandre Bennigsen, Paris 1986.

Audrey L. Altstadt: The Azerbaijani Turks. Power and Identity under Russian Rule, Stanford 1992.

Adeeb Khalid: The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia, Berkeley 1998.

Charles Kurzman: Modernist Islam, 1840-1940. A Sourcebook, New York 2002.

A. Holly Shissler: Between Two Empires: Ahmet Ağaoğlu and the New Turkey, London 2002.

Ufuk Özcan. Ahmet Ağaoğlu ve Rol Değişikliği: Yüzyıl Dönümünde Batıcı Bir Aydın, İstanbul, 2010

Ali Kalirad: Az jāmʻe-ye Īrānī tā mīhan-e Turkī: zendegīnāme-ye fekrī va siyāsī-ye Aḥmad Āqāyef (1869-1939) [in Persian], Tehran 2013.

Ali Kalirad: "From Iranism to Pan-Turkism: A Less-known Page of Ahmet Ağaoğlu's Biography", Iran and the Caucasus, Volume 22, Issue 1 (2018), pp. 80–95.