The Chu Shi Biao refers to either of two memorials written by Zhuge Liang, the imperial chancellor of the state of Shu during the Three Kingdoms period of China. He presented them to Liu Shan, the second emperor of Shu. The first Chu Shi Biao, which is referred to as the "Former Chu Shi Biao", was presented in 227 before Zhuge Liang embarked on the first of a series of military campaigns against Shu's rival state, Wei. The second, known as the "Later Chu Shi Biao", was purportedly submitted in 228 before Zhuge Liang left for the second Northern Expedition.
The main topics addressed in the Chu Shi Biao included the reasons for the campaigns, as well as Zhuge Liang's personal advice to Liu Shan on how to govern and rule the state.
The authenticity of the Later Chu Shi Biao is disputed and many scholars believe that it was not written by Zhuge Liang.
Contents
Former Chu Shi Biao
The Former Chu Shi Biao was written in 227 and was recorded in Zhuge Liang's biography in the Sanguozhi.
At that time, Shu was recovering from its previous defeat at the Battle of Xiaoting in 222 and from the Southern Campaign against opposing forces in the south in 225. Zhuge Liang thought that Shu was weak so it had to be aggressive towards its rivals in order to survive. He decided to launch a campaign against Shu's rival state, Wei, in the north. This marked the start of a series of Shu invasions of Wei. Before leaving, Zhuge Liang wrote the Former Chu Shi Biao to the Shu emperor Liu Shan to explain the reasons for the campaign and to give his personal advice to Liu Shan on governance.
The Song dynasty poet Su Shi commented in the Yue Quan Xiansheng Wenji (樂全先生文集敘) that Zhuge Liang's (Former) Chu Shi Biao was "simple and concise, direct but not disrespectful."
Content
The following is a rough translation of the Former Chu Shi Biao. See the notes section for further explanation of certain parts in the text.
Your subject, Liang, says: The Late Emperor had yet to complete his great mission when he passed away. This world is divided into three and Yi Province is in dire straits. This is a critical moment indeed. However, the ministers in the capital are not disheartened, and the loyal warriors outside the capital do not fear death. This is because they remember the generous treatment they received from the Late Emperor, and they wish to repay his kindness by serving Your Majesty well. It may be beneficial that Your Majesty welcome their views and opinions, promote the virtues of the Late Emperor, inspire those with lofty ambitions, and refrain from looking down on yourself or making inappropriate remarks that would discourage people from giving good advice.
Regardless of whether they serve in the Imperial Palace or in the Imperial Chancellor's Office, all officials are subjects of the State. Therefore, they should all be treated equally in terms of rewards and punishments. Any person who commits an offence or renders meritorious service to the State may be handed over to the appropriate authority, who will then make the decision on what punishment or reward to be given out. Doing so will exemplify Your Majesty as a wise and just ruler. It is best if Your Majesty do not show any form of bias or favouritism as it will distort the principles of fairness.
Palace Attendant Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun are examples of good and trustworthy ministers. They are loyal and faithful. That was why the Late Emperor selected them to assist Your Majesty. I believe that Your Majesty should discuss all major and minor state affairs with them before implementing any policies because this will help to cover up flaws and achieve greater efficiency.
General Xiang Chong is of good character and he is well-versed in military affairs. When he was given responsibilities in the past, the Late Emperor praised him as a capable person so everyone nominated him to be a Chief Controller. I feel that Your Majesty may discuss all military affairs with him, as this will promote cohesion within the armed forces and every person will receive an assignment corresponding to his ability.
Later Chu Shi Biao
The Later Chu Shi Biao was written in 228 and was not recorded in the original version of the Sanguozhi by Chen Shou. When Pei Songzhi made annotations to the Sanguozhi, he wrote that the Later Chu Shi Biao came from the Mo Ji (默記) by Zhang Yan (張儼). The Later Chu Shi Biao was incorporated into the Han Jin Chunqiu (漢晉春秋) by Xi Zuochi.
Many scholars have cast doubts on the authorship of the Later Chu Shi Biao and believed that it was not written by Zhuge Liang. The Qing dynasty scholar Qian Dazhao (錢大昭) expressed suspicion in his book Sanguozhi Bianyi (三國志辨疑; Doubts on Records of the Three Kingdoms). The Later Chu Shi Biao was not part of a collection of writings by Zhuge Liang, and appeared only in Zhang Yan's Mo Ji. Besides, the tone in the Later Chu Shi Biao differs largely from the Former Chu Shi Biao; the latter sounded more coercive while the former appeared more sincere and humble. The latter even included the use of analogies and historical examples in the third paragraph to urge war. It also contains a discrepancy about Zhao Yun's death: Zhao Yun died in 229, but the Later Chu Shi Biao, purportedly written in 228, already mentioned his death.
Content
The following is a rough translation of the Later Chu Shi Biao. See the notes section for further explanation of certain parts in the text.
The Late Emperor considered that the Han and the villains cannot coexist, and that our state cannot be content with only internal stability, hence he tasked me with attacking the villains. Based on the Late Emperor's assessment of my ability, he already knew that I was weak and not capable of standing against a powerful enemy. However, if we do not attack the enemy, our state will be in greater peril. Should we wait for death or should we preempt the enemy? The Late Emperor did not hesitate in entrusting me with this responsibility.
When I first received the mission, I was unable to sleep or dine in peace. When I considered attacking the north, I felt that we should pacify the south first. In the fifth month, I crossed the Lu and entered barren and treacherous lands. I had a meal only every two days. This was not because I do not love myself. We cannot hope to be safe by just remaining in Shu, so I have to brave danger to fulfil the Late Emperor's dying wish. However, there are some who argue that this is not the best plan. As of now, the enemy is busy in the west and occupied in the east. According to military strategy, the best time to attack an enemy is when they are tired and weary, and now is the best time for us to launch a swift attack on them.
Please allow me to explain further as follows: Emperor Gao's wisdom can be compared to the radiance of the sun and the moon. His strategists were very learned and far-sighted. However, he still had to go through difficulties and suffer some setbacks before he could achieve peace. As of now, Your Majesty is far from Emperor Gao, your advisers are not comparable to Liang and Ping, yet Your Majesty intends to employ a long-term strategy to achieve victory and pacify the Empire smoothly. This is the first thing I do not understand. Liu Yao and Wang Lang each controlled provinces and commanderies. When they were discussing strategies to maintain peace, they often claimed to be following the ways of the ancient sages, but they were actually filled with doubts and worries. They were unwilling to go to war year after year, so Sun Ce gradually became more powerful and he eventually conquered Jiangdong. This is the second thing I do not understand. Cao Cao was very intelligent and his expertise in military affairs is comparable to that of Sun and Wu. He faced dangerous and difficult situations in Nanyang, Wuchao, Qilian, Liyang, and Beishan, and nearly lost his life at Tong Pass, but managed to achieve stability for a period of time. I am not very capable, but I still braved danger to bring peace and stability. This is the third thing I do not understand. Cao Cao attacked Chang Ba five times but failed; he attempted to cross the Chao Lake four times but was not successful. He appointed Li Fu as an official but Li Fu plotted against him; he employed Xiahou but Xiahou was defeated and killed in action. The Late Emperor often said that Cao Cao was very capable but he still had his fair share of losses. My ability is poor, so how can I be assured that I will secure victory? This is the fourth thing I do not understand. I have been in Hanzhong for about a year now. During this year, I lost Zhao Yun, Yang Qun, Ma Yu, Yan Zhi, Ding Li, Bai Shou, Liu He, Deng Tong, and over 70 officers in total, as well as many tujiang and wuqian. The cong, sou, qingqiang, sanqi and wuqi, numbering over 1,000, was formed over a period of 10 years by recruiting the best from many places, and not just from only one province or one commandery. A few years from now, we will lose two thirds of what we have now. By then, what do we still have to fight our enemy with? This is the fifth thing I do not understand. Now, our people and our troops are weary, but war cannot cease. War cannot cease. The efforts and amount of resources we pump into an offensive approach towards the enemy are the same as if we were to adopt a defensive strategy and wait for the enemy to attack us. Why do we not attack the enemy now, and instead, pit the strength of our one province against them? This is the sixth thing I do not understand.
Legacy
The phrase "Han and traitors cannot together stand" (漢賊不兩立 (Hàn zéi bù liǎng lì)) from the Later Chu Shi Biao is later used to describe a situation where two opposing powers cannot coexist. The phrase was famously invoked by Chiang Kai-shek in 1961 to describe the Republic of China's stance against the People's Republic of China being represented in international organizations.
Another phrase "with deference and prudence, to the state of one's depletion; it's never finished until one's death" (鞠躬盡瘁，死而後已 (jū gōng jìn cuì, sǐ ér hòu yǐ)) from the Later Chu Shi Biao is later used to describe one's commitment to strive to the utmost.