Democratic Party of Japan

History

Beginnings

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) was formed on 27 April 1998. It was a merger of four previously independent parties that were opposed to the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)—the previous Democratic Party of Japan, the Good Governance Party (民政党, Minseitō), the New Fraternity Party (新党友愛, Shintō-Yūai), and the Democratic Reform Party (民主改革連合, Minshu-Kaikaku-Rengō). The previous parties ranged in ideology from conservative to social-democratic. The new party began with ninety-three members of the House of Representatives and thirty-eight members of the House of Councilors. Moreover, the party officials were elected as well at the party convention for the first time; Naoto Kan, former Health and Welfare Minister was appointed as the president of the party and Tsutomu Hata, former prime minister as secretary-general.

On 24 September 2003 the party formally merged with the small, centre-right Liberal Party led by Ichirō Ozawa in a move largely considered in preparation for the 2003 general election held on 9 November 2003. This move immediately gave the DPJ eight more seats in the House of Councilors.

In the 2003 general election, the DPJ gained a total of 178 seats. This was short of their objectives, but nevertheless a significant demonstration of the new group's strength. Following a pension scandal, Naoto Kan resigned and was replaced with moderate liberal Katsuya Okada.

In the 2004 House of Councillors election, the DPJ won a seat more than the ruling Liberal Democrats, but the LDP still maintained its firm majority in total votes. This was the first time since its inception that the LDP had garnered fewer votes than another party.

The 2005 snap parliamentary elections called by Junichiro Koizumi in response to the rejection of his Postal privatization bills saw a major setback to the DPJ's plans of obtaining a majority in the Diet. The DPJ leadership, particularly Okada, had staked their reputation on winning the election and driving the LDP from power. When the final results were in, the DPJ had lost 62 seats, mostly to its rival the LDP. Okada resigned the party leadership, fulfilling his campaign promise to do so if the DPJ did not obtain a majority in the Diet. He was replaced by Seiji Maehara in September 2005.

However, Maehara's term as party leader lasted barely half a year. Although he initially led the party's criticism of the Koizumi administration, particularly in regards to connections between LDP lawmakers and scandal-ridden Livedoor, the revelation that a fake email was used to try and establish this link greatly damaged his credibility. The scandal led to the resignation of Representative Hisayasu Nagata and of Maehara as party leader on 31 March. New elections for party leader were held on 7 April, in which Ichirō Ozawa was elected president. In the Upper House election 2007, the DPJ won 60 out of 121 contested seats, with 49 seats not up for re-election.

2009–2012 government

Ozawa resigned as party leader in May 2009 after a fundraising scandal and Yukio Hatoyama succeeded Ozawa before the August 2009 general election, at which the party swept the LDP from power in a massive landslide, winning 308 seats (out of a total of 480 seats), reducing the LDP from 300 to 119 seats – the worst defeat for a sitting government in modern Japanese history. This was in marked contrast to the closely contested 1993 general election, the only other time the LDP has lost an election. The DPJ's strong majority in the House of Representatives assured that Hatoyama would be the next prime minister to replace Tarō Asō, leader of the LDP. Hatoyama was nominated on September 16 and formally appointed later that day by Emperor Akihito in the Tokyo Imperial Palace and formed his Cabinet.

However, the DPJ did not have a majority in the House of Councillors, which was not contested at the election, and fell just short of the 320 seats (a two-thirds majority) needed to override the upper chamber's veto power. Hatoyama was thus forced to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party to ensure their support in the House of Councillors.

On 2 June 2010, Hatoyama announced his resignation before a party meeting and officially resigned two days later. He cited breaking a campaign promise to close an American military base on the island of Okinawa Prefecture as the main reason for the move. On 28 May 2010, soon after and because of increased tensions after the possible sinking of a Korean ship by North Korea, Hatoyama had made a deal with U.S. President Barack Obama to retain the base for security reasons, but the deal was unpopular in Japan. He also mentioned money scandals involving a top party leader, Ozawa, who resigned as well, in his decision to step down. Hatoyama had been pressured to leave by members of his party after doing poorly in polls in anticipation of the July upper house election. Naoto Kan succeeded Hatoyama as the next President of DPJ and Prime Minister of Japan.

At the July 2010 House of Councillors election, the DPJ lost ten seats and their coalition majority. Prior to the election Kan raised the issue of an increase to Japan's 5 per cent consumption tax in order to address the country's rising debt. This proposal, together with Ozawa and Hatoyama's scandals, was viewed as one of the causes for the party's poor performance in the election. The divided house meant the government required the cooperation of smaller parties including Your Party and the Communist Party to ensure the passage of legislation through the upper house.

2012–2016 return to opposition and dissolution

On 24 February 2016, the DPJ announced an agreement to merge with the smaller Japan Innovation Party (JIP) and Vision of Reform ahead of the Upper House elections in the summer, with a merger at a special convention agreed for 27 March. On 4 March 2016, the DPJ and JIP asked supporters for suggestions for a name for the new party. On 14 March 2016 the name of the new party was announced as Minshintō, having been the most popular choice of possible names polled among voters. With the addition of Representatives form Vision of Reform, the DPJ and JIP merged to form the Democratic Party on 27 March 2016.

The dissolution of the DPJ is mainly attributed to the fact that the reforms that the DPJ advocated for were hard to put into place because of electoral restrictions, economic restrictions, and the fact that the reforms that would reduce the power of the bureaucracy would help deprive the DPJ of the power to implement their other reforms. Other factors that affected the dissolution of the party were the internal conflicts that paralyzed the DPJ and the fact that the DPJ aligned itself with the foreign policy of the LDP.

Ideology

Inspirated by the Third Way of European social democratic parties, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) declared itself a "democratic centre" (民主中道, minshu-chūdō). This was determined in the first party convention on 27 April 1998. The DPJ aimed become a third force in Japan's party system (on par with the LDP and the SDP), claiming to be a "liberal alternative" to the existing parties.

Ideologically, under the banner of liberalism, the DPJ pursued a comprehensive political agenda that included market-oriented and decentralization-oriented reforms, as well as a strong commitment to protecting and improving civil rights and human rights. The DPJ has been widely described as liberal, or social-liberal. According to a survey conducted by the Mainichi Shimbun targeting Diet members, the political opinions of the DPJ's members were positioned between those of the conservative LDP and the centre-left SDP, and their ideology and policies were liberal. Heenan points out that the DPJ, in which about half of the SDP members participated in its founding, was broadly progressive. On the other hand, the DPJ did not actively bring gender issues to the forefront of politics during its time in power, and even when it held a majority (2009–2011), it did not introduce a gender quota. While the left-liberal governments of Austria, the United Kingdom, and France abolished the death penalty in 1950, 1965, and 1981, respectively, the DPJ government in Japan neither abolished nor significantly reformed the death penalty. The DPJ adopted a more pragmatic and centrist approach than the Japan Socialist Party (JSP), maintained a centrist stance on issues such as tax cuts, public services, regulatory policy, decentralization, social policy, and environmental policy. The DPJ advocated a reform agenda centered on neoliberalism, complemented by a social-democratic approach to expanding social security and a multilateral or globalist orientation in foreign and security policy. The DPJ's neoliberal policies were supported by corporations, and its liberal policies were supported by citizens, however the party gradually shifted its policies from neoliberalism to welfarism. The DPJ proposed policies such as providing childcare allowances, direct support to individual farmers, and promoting the financial independence for local governments. In the 2009 general election, the DPJ campaigned on a manifesto opposing the LDP's developmental state and structural reforms, and established a Japanese government that implemented welfare policies for the first time since World War II.

The DPJ's economic policies advocated deregulation, attracting foreign investment, reducing wasteful public works spending, and shrinking the discretionary power of the national bureaucracy, which were closely linked to the party's decentralization policies. Advocating the principle of subsidiarity, the party argued that decision-making should not necessarily occur at the central government level, but rather at the appropriate level of government. The party also advocated for political initiative, calling for reforms to the governing structure through measures such as expanding the prime minister's powers, strengthening the cabinet's budget-making authority, and increasing the initiative of politicians within the bureaucracy. The DPJ was a coalition of politicians with diverse backgrounds, ranging from economic liberals to former socialists. According to Krauss and Pekkanen, some members of the DPJ may have held more economically liberal views than members of the LDP. Among those who led the party were Naoto Kan, who emphasized the need to increase spending on social services (pensions, health care, and nursing); Yukio Hatoyama, who prioritized employment adjustment and job creation; and Katsuya Okada, who stated, "Politics should not intervene in the market. The role of politics is to mitigate economic disparities arising from free competition."

View of the status quo

The DPJ claimed themselves to be revolutionary in that they are against the status quo and the current governing establishment. The DPJ argued that the bureaucracy and the size of the Japanese government is too large, inefficient, and saturated with cronies and that the Japanese state is too conservative and inflexible. The DPJ wanted to "overthrow the ancient régime locked in old thinking and vested interests, solve the problems at hand, and create a new, flexible, affluent society which values people's individuality and vitality."

Political standpoint

We stand for those who have been excluded by the structure of vested interests, those who work hard and pay taxes, and for people who strive for independence despite difficult circumstances. In other words, we represent citizens, taxpayers, and consumers. We do not seek a panacea either in the free market or in the welfare state. Rather, we shall build a new road of the democratic center toward a society in which self-reliant individuals can mutually coexist and the government's role is limited to building the necessary systems.

Goals

The DPJ's "democratic centre" pursued the following five goals.

Transparent, just and fair society

The Democratic Party sought to build a society governed with rules which are transparent, just and fair.

Free market and inclusive society

While the party argued that the free market system should "permeate" economic life, they also aim for an inclusive society which guarantees security, safety, and fair and equal opportunity for each individual.

Decentralized and participatory society

The party intended to devolve the centralized government powers to citizens, markets, and local governments so that people of all backgrounds can participate in decision-making.

Compliance with the three constitutional principles

The Democratic Party proclaimed to hold the values in the meaning of the constitution to "embody the fundamental principles of the Constitution": popular sovereignty, respect for fundamental human rights, and pacifism.

International relations based on self-reliance and mutual coexistence

As a member of the global community, the party sought to establish Japan's international relations in the fraternal spirit of self-reliance and mutual coexistence to restore the world's trust in the country.

Policy platforms

The DPJ's policy platforms included the restructuring of civil service, monthly allowance to a family with children (¥26,000 per child), cut in gas tax, income support for farmers, free tuition for public high schools, banning of temporary work in manufacturing, raising the minimum-wage to ¥1,000 and halting of increase in sales tax for the next four years.

The DPJ's stance on nuclear power was that steady steps should be taken towards nuclear power, but not too quickly as to possibly endanger safety.

Structure

The Democratic Party of Japan was headed by a president (民主党代表, daihyō). The president appointed other members of the party executive. The president, secretary-general (幹事長, kanji-chō), and acting president (代表代行, daihyō daikō) were referred to as the "three top officials" and were considered the most important leaders of the party. An Executive Committee (執行部, shikkō-bu) was formed by these three offices in combination with the Chairman in the House of Councillors. The secretary-general was responsible for managing the organisation of the party. The acting president was selected from among deputy presidents and acted on the president's behalf in some party affairs. The standing executive numbered approximately 30 people and consisted of the president, acting and deputy presidents, secretary-general, the respective chairpersons of the Policy Research Council, Election Strategy Committee, Diet Affairs Committee, and Organisation Committee, the party leadership in the House of Councillors, and other officials designated by the president. Prior to the establishment of the Next Cabinet, the party had a General Affairs Committee with a dedicated chairperson, but these were abolished in September 1999. During the Hatoyama government, the Policy Research Council and its chairperson was abolished in order to centralise policymaking within the government. They were reinstated by Naoto Kan in June 2010.

All residents of Japan over the age of 18 (limited to Japanese citizens only from September 2012) could apply for membership in the party. The annual membership fee was 6,000 yen. A lesser tier of membership were registered supporters, who paid a 2,000 yen annual fee and could attend party events and volunteer.

The party maintained branches in all 47 prefectures, known formally as Prefectural Branch Federations (県総支部連合会, ken sōshibu rengō-kai) and commonly shortened to kenren (県連). Each prefectural branch had its own president, typically drawn from the party's Diet members from that prefecture. Individual branches were organised at the constituency level and known as sōshibu (総支部). The party also organised administratively at the municipal level (行政区支部, gyōseiku shibu).

Electoral strategy

The "Next Cabinet" was created in October 1999 by Yukio Hatoyama, modeled after the shadow cabinet of the Westminster system. The Next Cabinet was the chief policymaking body of the party, composed of party members mirroring those of government ministers. The Next Cabinet collectively discussed and approved submissions from the Policy Research Council, and Next Ministers were responsible for policy in their designated area. The aim of the Next Cabinet system was to improve transparency and separate party management from policymaking, as the two had previously been combined in the General Affairs Committee. Inclusion in the Next Cabinet did not necessarily indicate that the President intended to appoint that person to the position if the party won government, or to cabinet at all: only six of 20 members of Hatoyama's final Next Cabinet were appointed to the Yukio Hatoyama cabinet. Each leader from 1999 onwards appointed a Next Cabinet and reshuffled it regularly, and the practice continued after the DPJ lost power in 2012.

The DPJ established a number of rules regarding candidate nominations for national elections over time. A series of new rules were established for the 2009 election. First-time candidates in single-member constituencies were required to be under 60 years of age. Candidates who had run twice without winning their constituency were barred from seeking election again, even if they had been elected via proportional representation. For former Diet members who had previously been defeated, the rules were more lenient; they could run up to the age of 64 and were permitted a third defeat being before barred from nomination. Candidates for proportional representation were capped at 70 years of age. Rules to discourage political dynasties were also implemented which prevented candidates from running in constituencies recently held by relatives or from hiring secretaries to whom they were closely related.

The party also experimented with different forms of candidate recruitment starting in 1999 in order to encourage more competitive and female candidates. In the "open recruitment" procecss, the party took applications from interested individuals. They were required to submit their qualifications, preferred electoral district, and a short essay explaining their interest in running. Promising candidates were interviewed by party staff and, if successful, were assigned an electoral district. They then met with relevant local party officials for final approval. This method was also subsequently adopted by the LDP. The number of first-time candidates drawn from open recruitment grew during the 2000s, peaking at 40% in the 2009 election. By the time of the 2012 election, the party had received over 5,200 applications and nominated a total of 79 candidates through the process. Open recruitment candidates had a higher success rate than traditionally-recruited candidates, winning 47% of their races compared to 30%.

List of presidents

The President was elected to a fixed term of two years, later extended to three starting from 2012. The term expired at the end of September and indefinite re-election was allowed. In regular elections, a mixed process involving the party's Diet members, grassroots members, and local government officials or prefectural branches was used. The exact method changed over time. In the event of a mid-term resignation, the election was conducted via vote of the party's Diet members alone. In 2014, the party amended its statutes to allow the mixed process to be used in the event of a mid-term resignation. In total, the party held 18 elections for president in its lifetime, of which nine were conducted via Diet vote, four were conducted via the mixed process, and five were uncontested. Of the uncontested races, four were regularly scheduled and would have involved the mixed process, and one would have involved a Diet vote.

Factions

The DPJ was formed through a large and complex process as a coalition of multiple political groups. There were various factions within the party, ranging from conservatives to social-democrats, and disagreements were wide-ranging.

Factions were formed from the very start of the original 1996 Democratic Party, based on former affiliation, ideology, generational divides, and the personality of the leader. Former members of the Japan Socialist and Democratic Socialist parties quickly organised their own associations, which remained the most organised and institutionalised factions throughout the party's lifespan. Other groups existed on a less formal basis, typically surrounding individual leaders. These factions were less organised, were active less regularly, and often shared overlapping membership. Factional balance was nonetheless a notable factor in candidate nominations and personnel appointments. Support groups existing for Yukio Hatoyama and Naoto Kan were based on the right and left wings of the old Sakigake Party. Tsutomu Hata and Ichirō Ozawa also led associations of members from their own respective parties. From 2002, junior lawmakers organised groups around Yoshihiko Noda and Seiji Maehara. They frequently mobilised during leadership races, but the dynamics between them were complex, and often they did not uniformly support single candidates. When the party came to government in 2009, the Mainichi Shimbun reported that there were nine factions within the party which together accounted for around 300 of the party's 420 Diet members.

The activity of factions increased during the Kan government. The Ozawa and Hatoyama groups functioned as an internal opposition to Kan, who was supported by the Kan, Noda, and Maehara groups. These same groups formed the basis of support for the subsequent Noda government, while a large part of the Ozawa group eventually split from the party. In addition, many junior and middle-ranking Diet members began creating their own groups, particularly during the 2011 leadership contest. Most of these did not survive the crushing defeat at the December 2012 general election.

As in the Liberal Democratic Party, factions are commonly known by the name of their leader, but they also have official names. In Japanese, they are referred to as groups (グループ, gurūpu).

Election results