Hussein bin Ali al-Hashimi (Arabic: ٱلْحُسَيْن بِن عَلِي ٱلْهَاشِمِي, romanized: al-Ḥusayn bin 'Alī al-Hāshimī ; 1 May 1853 – 4 July 1931) was a Hejazi leader from the Banu Qatadah branch of the Banu Hashim clan who was the Sharif and Emir of Mecca from 1908 and, after proclaiming the Great Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire, King of the Hejaz, even if he refused this title, from 1916 to 1924. He accepted the Caliphate after delegations from the Hejaz and neighboring regions urged him to assume it, staying in power until 1925 when Hejaz was invaded by the Sultanate of Nejd. His Caliphate was opposed by the British and French empires, the Zionists and the Wahhabis alike. He received symbolic support from certain Hejazi religious circles and some Arab delegations, but broad Muslim recognition did not materialize. Later Arab nationalist writers sometimes portrayed him as the father of modern pan-Arabism, but some historians argue that the Hashemites were still newer converts to Arabism in 1916 and were not early Arab nationalists.
In 1908, in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution, Hussein was appointed Sharif of Mecca by the Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II. His relationship with the Ottoman government deteriorated after the Committee of Union and Progress took power, due to CUP efforts to centralize administration in the Hijaz and reduce the Sharif’s traditional autonomy. In 1916, with the promise of British support for Arab independence, although it is debated as to what extent the British were influential in his choice, he revolted against the Ottomans only after attempts to secure hereditary control of the Hijaz through negotiation with the Ottoman government failed, accusing the Committee of Union and Progress of violating tenets of Islam and limiting the power of the sultan-caliph, framing the revolt as a defense of the historic rights of the Hejaz rather than a modern nationalist movement. While his armies, led by his sons, were engaged in fighting the Ottoman and German troops in the Middle East, the initial stage of the insurrection was carried out entirely with Hejazi forces, and Arabs in Syria and Iraq never actually rose against the Turks. Hussein supported the Armenians during the Armenian genocide and saved up to 4,000 of them. In the aftermath of World War I, Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, in protest against the Balfour Declaration, a document supporting the Jewish settlers in Palestine, and the establishment of British and French mandates in Syria, Iraq, and Palestine. His sons Faisal and Abdullah were made rulers of Iraq and Transjordan respectively in 1921.
He later refused to sign the Anglo-Hashemite Treaty and thus was left in a very precarious position, as the British progressively decided to stop supporting him after the proclamation of his caliphate and the refusal to sign any treaty with them. Britain’s withdrawal of support left Hussein vulnerable to Ibn Saʻud’s expanding power, who promptly launched an invasion of the Kingdom of Hejaz. In October 1924, facing defeat by Ibn Saud, he abdicated and was succeeded as king by his eldest son Ali bin Hussein. After Hejaz was subsequently completely invaded by the Wahhabi armies of the Ikhwan, on 23 December 1925, Hussein surrendered to the Saudis, bringing the Kingdom of Hejaz, the Sharifate of Mecca and the Sharifian Caliphate to an end.
Hussein was forcibly removed from Aqaba by the British and deported to Cyprus in June 1925, where he lived under a form of supervised residence rather than formal imprisonment. His exile was motivated by British fears that his presence in Aqaba could provoke conflict with Ibn Saʿūd, not by immediate medical concerns. He was relocated from Cyprus to Amman in late 1930 after a significant decline in his health, and died there on 4 June 1931. He was buried at the Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem, near al-Aqsa Mosque, with the ceremony supervised by British authorities.
Contents
Biography
Ascendance and early life
Hussein bin Ali bin Muhammad bin Abd al-Mu'in bin Awn was born in Istanbul in 1853 or 1854. He was the eldest son of Sharif Ali bin Muhammad, who was the second son of Muhammad bin Abd al-Mu'in, the former Sharif of Mecca. As a member of the Hashemite dynasty, he was a descendant of Muhammad in the 37th generation through his grandson Hasan bin Ali. His mother, Salah Bani-Shahar, the wife of Ali, would have been a Circassian.
He belonged to the Dhawu Awn clan of the Abadilah, a branch of the Banu Qatadah tribe. The Banu Qatadah had ruled the Sharifate of Mecca since the accession of their ancestor Qatadah ibn Idris in 1201 and were the last of the four branches of Hashemite sharifs who, together, had governed Mecca since the 11th century.
In 1827, Muhammad bin Abd al-Mu'in was appointed Sharif, the first Sharif of the Dhawu Awn branch and ending the Dhawu Zayd’s control of the amirate, which had lasted since 1718. He reigned until 1851, when he was replaced by Sharif Abd al-Muttalib ibn Ghalib of the Dhawu Zayd, the very same Sharif whom Muhammad ibn al-Abd al-Mu'in had succeeded. After his dismissal in 1851, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Mu‘in was arrested and exiled to Istanbul by Ottoman authorities. While there Hussein was born to Muhammad's son, Ali, in 1853–1854.
Muhammad was reinstated to power in 1856, and Hussein, then two or three years old, accompanied his father and grandfather to Mecca. Soon after, in 1858, Muhammad died and was succeeded by his eldest son, Emir and Sharif Abdullah Pasha, Hussein's uncle who held the Sharifate until 1877. While still young, he returned to Mecca after his father's death, when his uncle Sharif Abdullah called them back, with his mother in 1861–1862.
Hussein was raised at home, unlike other Hashemite youth who were typically sent outside the city to grow up among Bedouin nomads. Apparently a diligent young man, he mastered the principles of the Arabic language and was also educated in Islamic law and doctrine. Among his teachers was Sheikh Muhammad Mahmud at-Turkizi ash-Shinqiti, with whom he studied the seven Mu'allaqat. With Sheikh Ahmad Zayni Dahlan, he studied the Quran, completing its memorization before the age of 20.
During Abdullah's reign, Hussein became familiar with the politics and intrigue surrounding the Sharifian court. He also participated in numerous expeditions to the Najd and the eastern regions of Hejaz to meet the Arab tribes, over whom the Sharifate of Mecca then exerted a loose form of control. He learned the customs of the Bedouins, including the skills necessary to withstand the harsh desert environment. During his travels, he also gained a thorough knowledge of the desert's flora and fauna and composed poems in humayni verse, a type of vernacular poetry (malhun) of the Bedouins. He also practiced horseback riding and hunting.
As Emir
Following the removal of his predecessor in October and the sudden death of his successor shortly thereafter, Hussein was appointed grand sharif by official decree of the sultan Abdul Hamid II in November 1908. His appointment came during a time of cooperation between Arab Notables and the new regime in Istanbul, when constitutional reforms were seen interrupted at granting more local autonomy. However, the situation was peculiar for Hussein, who arrived in Mecca in the midst of the Young Turk Revolution, which brought the Young Turks (Committee of Union and Progress) to power. Upon his arrival, he met CUP representatives who greeted him as the "Constitutional Sharif," intending to gauge his response to such a designation. He replied: "Verily these are the lands of God in which nothing will ever stand except the Shariah of God [...] The constitution of the lands of God is the Shariah of God and the Sunnah of His Prophet". His reply reflected a long standing political practice of the Hejaz, where governance rested on Islamic law and Sharifian custom as opposed to Ottoman secular constitutionalism. In early 1914 he and his family discussed possible Ottoman retaliation, but their concern centered on the preservation of Hejazi autonomy advocating for a broader Arab political program.
His main teacher was Ahmad Zayni Dahlan, with whom he became a hafiz. He had a Shafi'i and Hanafi education, but also allied with the Malikis and opposed the Wahhabis, at a time when adherence to a madhhab was more fluid.
In 1911, Hussein became involved in an Ottoman campaign in 'Asir; the Committee of Union and Progress requested his support to fight Muhammad ibn Ali al-Idrisi, who had recently revolted there and proclaimed the Idrisid Emirate. Hussein was very supportive of this campaign because 'Asir traditionally belonged to the Hejaz, and al-Idrisi presence in the area severed his financial and political ties with 'Asir. He gathered an army of about 5,000 men from the Aqil and Bisha tribes, both tribes being from 'Asir, in Mecca and then began to march against al-Idrisi. After an initial defeat due to the heat and a cholera epidemic, he managed to inflict two heavy defeats on the Idrisid forces.
Then, he managed to break the siege of Abha, which was being conducted by al-Idrisi forces and where Suleiman Pasha, the Ottoman governor of the city, was entrenched. Overall, he was able to defeat the opposing forces. However, during this campaign, he seems to have been shocked by the violence of the Ottoman troops against the revolted and had a heated dispute with the Ottoman governor of Abha, Suleiman Pasha, after he began wanting to administer the territories he managed to reconquer according to Bedouin and Sharifian norms, as previously. This led to a rupture between the two commanders, and Hussein decided to withdraw from 'Asir after having pursued the defeated Idrisid forces for some time.
The Arab Revolt
Although there is no formal evidence suggesting that Hussein bin Ali was inclined towards Arab nationalism before 1916, the rise of Turkish nationalism strongly displeased the Hashemites and Bedouins. Additionally, the increasing centralization of the Ottoman Empire, the progressive prohibition of Arabic in teaching, Turkification policies, and the settlement of Turkish colonists in Arab areas worried and frightened Arabs throughout the empire. In the Hijaz, concern over Ottoman centralization was connected to longstanding autonomy of the Sharifiate and its religious basis rather than to emerging ethnic nationalism. His private deliberations with his sons help showcase how the question of whether to revolt or not was framed in terms military realties, Ottoman pressure, and local autonomy.
In 1908, the Hejaz Railway was completed, allowing the Turks to strengthen their control over the Hejaz and provide a rapid response capability to reinforce their garrisons in Mecca and Medina. Efforts to Integrate the region were resisted locally because they threatened long standing administrative usage rather than ethnic identity. It was built under constant threat of Arab raids, such as those from the Harb tribe, which demonstrated their hostility towards the project. Furthermore, in April 1915, the Ottoman government began a policy of extermination of the minorities in the Ottoman Empire through various genocides. Local opposition to the railway stemmed from fears that direct military communication would diminish Sharifian authority and allow central rule over tribal regions. This frightened the Arabs, who were the largest minority in the Empire, and was openly criticized by Hussein bin Ali.
These oppositions with the Turks became so violent that they overshadowed those that existed in Arab society and Bedouin society; and many rival tribes to the Hashemites rallied behind their leadership.
A nationalist and anti-colonial Arab movement developed, mainly in Ottoman Syria, where Arab intellectuals and newspapers called for the restoration of the caliphate in the hands of a Quraysh, and especially for the acquisition of Arab independence from the Ottoman Empire. The relationship between Hussein and the Committee of Union and Progress worsened even more after the discovery and foiling of a plot by Enver Pasha to assassinate Hussein.
All of these points led to a violent rupture between Arab elites and the Ottoman political class, and are reflected in Hussein's later proclamation of independence, where he presented his struggle as a religious and anti-colonial one.
King of Hejaz
The US State Department quotes an aide-mémoire dated 24 October 1917 given by the Arab Bureau to the American Diplomatic Agency in Cairo confirming that "...Britain, France and Russia agreed to recognize the Sherif as lawful independent ruler of the Hejaz and to use the title of "King of the Hejaz" when addressing him, and a note to this effect was handed to him on December 10, 1916".
When Hussein declared himself King of the Hejaz, he also declared himself King of the Arab lands (malik bilad-al-Arab). His intention wasn't to create a centralized modern state but instead an overlord structure over multiple Arab rulers.This only aggravated his conflict with Abdulaziz ibn Saud, which was already present because of their differences in religious beliefs and with whom he had fought before the First World War, siding with fellow anti-Saudis, the Ottomans in 1910.
To clean up the image of his rule, Hussein initiated a series of reforms, including measures to avoid offending Muslims from French or British colonies who undertook the Hajj. He addressed the threat of mangy dogs, attempted to ensure the security of the Hajj routes from bandits, and sought to hide the region's slave markets which had persisted despite the Turkish government's 1908 ban to prevent offending French Muslims.
He undertook the last major restoration of the Masjid al-Haram in 1920 and a restoration of the mosques of Palestine and more specifically of al-Aqsa mosque, for which he funded 26,672 liras.
Starting from 1917, Hussein made decisions to protect the Armenian refugees and those residing in his lands from the Armenian genocide. Armenian deportees began to arrive in Ottoman Syria in mid-1915, and large numbers remained in the region through 1916 with massacres peaking spring and late 1916. Survivors continued around Aleppo, Rakka, and Deir ez-Zor into early 1917. First, he condemned the genocide publicly as early as 1916, stating "We specifically bring to the world's condemnation the atrocities committed against the Greeks and Armenians, atrocities that our holy law can only disapprove of". In this regard, he promulgated in 1917, in a decree: "In the name of Most Merciful Allah and our prophet Muhammad, we are addressing our Arab brothers (...) to take Armenian refugees in their families, to share with them their belongings – camels, food, shelter, blankets – and share everything that you have in excess, and everything that you can give to people."
Following World War I
In the aftermath of the war, the Arabs found themselves freed from centuries of Ottoman rule. Hussein's son Faisal was made King of Syria, but this kingdom proved short-lived, as the Middle East came under mandate rule of France and the United Kingdom. The British Government subsequently made Faisal and his brother Abdullah kings of Iraq and Transjordan, respectively.
Starting at the end of the war, Hussein found himself in severe conflict with Britain's views on the subject of Palestine. In January and February 1918, Hussein received the Hogarth Message and Bassett Letter in response to his requests for an explanation of the Balfour Declaration and Sykes-Picot Agreement respectively. Despite their explanations, he stated that Palestine should be included within the borders of the newly founded Arab Kingdom and should refuse Zionist settlers, even if he was ready to accept Jewish people in Palestine, notably those who already lived there and were not coming from foreign countries. However, even after an assurance by McMahon, Hussein did not receive the lands promised by their British allies. During the negotiations, the boundaries had been discussed explicitly, and British representatives had accepted almost all of the proposed limits. The assurances are understood as binding commitments for the postwar settlement. McMahon claimed that the proposed lands to be taken in by the new Arab State were not purely Arab. In actuality, McMahon refused to hand over the new lands as the areas in question had already been claimed by the new British ally, France.
Having received a British subsidy totalling £6.5m between 1916 and April 1919, in May 1919, the subsidy was reduced to £100K monthly (from £200K), dropped to £75K from October, £50K in November, £25K in December until February 1920 after which no more payments were made. Hussein saw British subsidy reduction as the British minimizing services he provided. During the campaign, British commanders had privately acknowledged the revolt helped to tie down Ottoman forces that would have likely been used against him.
The British were not disposed to fulfill their promises to Hussein, as Colonel Wilson stated in secret correspondence :"At one time, our Arabic copies of Sir H. MacMahon's letters to the Grand Sherif could not be found; if they are still unavailable it may be somewhat awkward when King Hussein produces the originals. (...) Failing a satisfactory solution King Hussein will have some grounds for considering that Great Britain has broken her pledged word."In 1919, King Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles. In August 1920, five days after the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres, Curzon asked Cairo to procure Hussein's signature to both treaties and agreed to make a payment of £30,000 conditional on signature. Hussein declined and in 1921, stated that he could not be expected to "affix his name to a document assigning Palestine to the Zionists and Syria to foreigners". His refusal should be kept in context of previous negotiations that had been made. By 1917 his kingship had been recognized by the Allied governments, following the months in which his forces repelled advancements by the Ottomans. He refused again to accept the Balfour Declaration in 1923, and stated : "I look at the people of Palestine as I look at my own family, without distinction between Muslim, Christian, Jewish, or nationalist".
Marriage and children
Hussein, who had four wives, fathered four sons and three daughters with three of his wives:
Sharifa Abidiya bint Abdullah (died Istanbul, Ottoman Empire, 1886, buried there), eldest daughter of his paternal uncle, Amir Abdullah Kamil Pasha, Grand Sharif of Mecca;
Madiha, a Circassian;
Sharifa Khadija bint Abdullah (1866 – Amman, Transjordan, 4 July 1921), second daughter of Amir Abdullah Kamil Pasha, Grand Sharif of Mecca;
Adila Khanum (Istanbul, Ottoman Empire, 1879 – Larnaca, Cyprus, 12 July 1929, buried there at the Hala Sultan, Umm Haram, Tekke), daughter of Salah Bey and granddaughter of Mustafa Rashid Pasha, sometime Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire;
With his first wife Abidiya bint Abdullah, he had:
Prince Ali, last King of Hejaz married to Nafisa bint Abdullah. Parents of Aliya bint Ali. Grandparents of Sharif Ali bin al-Hussein.
Prince Abdullah, Emir (later King) of Transjordan, married to Musbah bint Nasser, Suzdil Hanum, and Nahda bint Uman.
Princess Fatima, married a European Muslim businessman from France.
Prince Faisal, later King of Iraq and Syria, married to Huzaima bint Nasser. Parents of Ghazi, King of Iraq born 1912 died 4 April 1939, married his first cousin, Princess Aliya bint Ali, daughter of HM King Ali of Hejaz.
With his second wife Madiha, he had:
Princess Saleha, married Abdullah bin Muhammed.
Works
Literature
Hussein wrote extensively, his most important papers were published in a book by Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad. Otherwise, he is known to have written a large series of articles in al-Qibla.
Legacy
Art
Several poets wrote about him, including Ahmed Shawqi, nicknamed the Prince of Poets, who wrote a poem about his funerals and Mustafa Wahbi Tal, one of the most prominents Jordanian poets, who wrote a poem about him.
In the early 21st century, Hussein was a regular character in the 'burgeoning' Jordanian cinema.
Armenian genocide refugees
His role in the support of Armenian refugees, especially during the Armenian genocide, led him to be cited in 2014 and 2020 by Armenian Presidents Serzh Sargsyan and Armen Sarkissian as an example of tolerance and friendship between people also stressed by Jordanian Prince Hassan bin Talal. Hussein is quoted in the book Crows of the Desert from Armenian survivor Levon Yotnakhparian, when he discusses the help Hussein provided to the survivors and to save victims. This book subsequently gave birth to a movie of the same name.
For his actions during the Armenian genocide, Hussein was awarded the title of "Righteous of the Armenian genocide" by Armenian researchers. On Friday 24 April 2015, on the occasion of the centennial of the Armenian genocide, Lebanese Sheikh Maher Hammoud referenced Hussein bin Ali in his sermon condemning the genocide. The Middle East Council of Churches paid hommage to his actions.
Others
Several mosques bear his name to the present day, such as the Hussein bin Ali mosque in Aqaba, the Hussein bin Ali mosque in Ma'an or the al-Husseini mosque in Amman. A school is named after him in Ma'an. His house in Aqaba was restored in 2023 at the initiative of the Jordanian government and subsequently reopened to the public in 2024. A brigade of the Jordanian army bears his name.
In 2020, a documentary was made about him and his life by Al-Araby, which was seen more than five million times on YouTube as of May 2023. The Order of Hussein bin Ali, created in 1949 by Abdullah I of Jordan, is the highest order of Jordan.
Decorations
Grand-cordon of the Order of Muhammad Ali (Egypt)
Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold (Belgium)
Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour (France)
First Class of the Order of Osmanieh (Ottoman Empire)
First Class of the Order of the Medjidie (Ottoman Empire)
Grand Cross of the Order of the Nichan Iftikhar (Ottoman Empire)
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (United Kingdom)