Milo Đukanović

Early life

Đukanović was born in Nikšić on 15 February 1962, to Radovan and Stana Đukanović (née Maksimović). His given name is derived from that of a paternal relative who had fought alongside Đukanović's grandfather, Blažo, during World War I; the name was selected by Đukanović's paternal grandmother. Đukanović's paternal ancestors, members of the Ozrinići tribe who hailed from the village of Čevo, had settled in the Nikšić area following the Battle of Vučji Do in 1876. Prior to the birth of Đukanović's older sister Ana in 1960, Đukanović's father had worked as a judge in Bosnia and Herzegovina before relocating to Nikšić with his family and taking up residence in the Đukanović family's ancestral village, Rastovac. Đukanović's mother was a nurse. His younger brother Aleksandar Đukanović (Aco) was born in 1965. Đukanović completed his primary and secondary education in Nikšić before relocating to Titograd to attend Veljko Vlahović University's Faculty of Economics. He graduated in 1986 with a diploma in tourism studies. Đukanović was an avid basketball player in his youth.

Political career

Early activism

In 1979, while still in high school, Đukanović joined the Yugoslav Communist League (SKJ), the only officially allowed political party in communist Yugoslavia's one-party political system. His father, Radovan, was already an influential member within the party's Montenegrin branch, which initially opened many doors for him. By 1986, he was a member of the presidency of the League of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia, Montenegrin branch, as well as a member of the presidency of its federal-level parent organization.

As a member of the party's various youth bodies, he quickly stood out from the pack, earning a nickname, Britva ('Straight razor'), for his direct and forceful rhetoric. Progressing steadily up the party ladder, by 1988 Đukanović became a member of the League's highest decision-making body, the Central Committee of the 13th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ). Eventually, it turned out that this was the committee's last sitting, with Đukanović becoming its youngest member ever.

Within days in January 1989, the trio ousted Miljan Radović, the chairman of the Montenegrin Communist League, and Božina Ivanović, the Presidents of the Presidency of Montenegro, replacing them with politically obedient confidants Veselin Vukotić and Branko Kostić, respectively. President of the Executive Council Vuko Vukadinović initially survived the coup d'état; however, within several months he was on his way out as well, to be replaced by Radoje Kontić. Consequently, Đukanović and the others galvanized public opinion within the republic by organizing workers and busing them to the capital, Titograd (later renamed to Podgorica), to protest in front of the country's National Assembly.

First three terms as Prime Minister of Montenegro (1991–1998)

The 1990 Montenegrin parliamentary election in early December resulted in a remarkable victory for the League of Communists of Montenegro, which won 83 parliamentary seats out of the total 125. On 15 February 1991, Đukanović was, somewhat surprisingly, appointed Prime Minister of the first democratically elected government by President Momir Bulatović and with the blessing of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević.

Later in 1991, the Montenegrin Communist League finished its transformation into the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS). Đukanović's office was secured after the 1992 parliamentary election. Held in December, they were called early due to the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the formation of a new state entity, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In the elections, the DPS won an absolute majority, 46 seats out of the total 85.

Đukanović's government sent troops to fight seceding Croatia, as he opposed the fallout of Yugoslavia caused by Slovenia's declaration of independence and the subsequent Ten-Day War (Slovenian War of Independence), as well as armed rebellions and full-scale wars in other areas of the country, including several Croatian regions (Slavonija and Krajina), large swaths of Bosnia, and the majority of Kosovo. Đukanović's cabinet actively participated in the siege of Dubrovnik from the autumn of 1991 until spring 1992, which resulted in the city suffering heavy structural damage. The surrounding area of Konavle also suffered due to looting raids. During this period, Đukanović was one of the most vociferous hawks in the Montenegrin government. Some of his notable statements from this period include a proclamation about "starting to hate chess because of the šahovnica (the chequerboard Croatian coat-of-arms)."

Đukanović campaigned for the modification of the internal borders of the ex-Yugoslav republics saying: "it's time to once and for all establish the firmest border possible with Croatia, but it will be a border a lot more just and realistic than the existing one that was drawn-up by Bolshevik map makers."

On the domestic political front in 1992, Đukanović became involved in a fierce political clash with Montenegrin artist and antiwar activist Jevrem Brković, which resulted in Brković's exile to Croatia, which lasted until 1998. On this occasion, Đukanović stated: "Every smart Montenegrin and every honest man in this land mentions the name of the traitor Jevrem Brković with hatred, who in pure vanity betrayed his people and knowingly spreads anti-Yugoslav speeches across Zagreb, while the Ustašas, again like in 1941, bleed the defenseless Serbian civilians."

Presidency during the Kosovo War

Shortly after his inauguration in 1998, Đukanović told Gelbard and some foreign ambassadors about his vision of an independent Montenegro in the Gorica villa. Đukanović said that Gelbard and the ambassadors disagreed with him at the time, as they preferred Đukanović to work with the opposition in Belgrade.

On 24 March 1999, NATO began bombing Yugoslavia. During the bombings, Jean-David Levitte claimed that Đukanović asked Bill Clinton for airstrikes to remove Milošević. Curious about Levitte's claim, Jacques Chirac called Đukanović to ask if the Clinton requests were true. Đukanović told Chirac that "every bomb that fell in Montenegro threatened to weaken my government." Chirac subsequently contacted Clinton and arranged limitations on airstrikes in Montenegro. Shortly after the bombings ceased, Đukanović oversaw the implementation of the Deutsche Mark as the new currency in Montenegro, replacing the Yugoslav Dinar.

In a speech in June 2016, Đukanović told an audience that "1999 was a year of critical importance for the choice of an independent Montenegrin way. That meaning the rejection of the self-destructive war with NATO, and secondly, the implementation of the Deutsche Mark a few months later."

Transition from Yugoslavia

In June 2000, he apologised to Croatia for the Montenegrin participation in the siege of Dubrovnik, saying: "On my own behalf and on behalf of all the citizens of Montenegro I want to apologise to all citizens of Croatia, particularly in Konavli and Dubrovnik for all the pain and material damage inflicted by any member of the Montenegrin people."

After the overthrow of Milošević, Đukanović faced a dilemma as he no longer could use Milošević's international standing to argue for Montenegro's independence from Yugoslavia. In early 2002, Đukanović was subject to an investigation on international cigarette trafficking by the public prosecutor Giuseppe Scelsi of Bari. Simultaneously, he was involved in negotiations ahead of the Belgrade agreement, and Javier Solana tried persuading him to abstain from independence at least temporarily and that Montenegro should remain in Yugoslavia. After the meetings with Solana, Đukanović signed the Belgrade Agreement on 14 March 2002, in addition to the signatures of Filip Vujanović, Zoran Đinđić, Vojislav Koštunica, and Miroljub Labus. The agreement led to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro. It mandated that after a period of three years, Montenegro could hold a referendum on the question of independence. In a bid to prolong his executive powers, Đukanović and Prime Minister Vujanović agreed a job-swap that same year. Đukanović did not run for president in the 2002 election and Vujanović replaced him as the DPS candidate. On 25 November 2002, Đukanović resigned as president, several months before the end of his term, in order to become prime minister again. Vujanović, who had resigned as prime minister at the start of the month to become Speaker of the Montenegrin Parliament, was sworn in as acting president. Đukanović took office as prime minister on 8 January 2003. Vujanović succeeded him as president on 22 May 2003.

The 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum resulted in Montenegro declaring independence from the state union with Serbia. After the declaration of independence, Montenegro's Parliament appointed Đukanović as the first Minister of Defense. Đukanović also acted as the president of the National Council for Sustainable Growth, a member of the Council for European Integration, and the president of the Agency for Promotion of Foreign Investment's managing board. After independence had been achieved, Đukanović's brand of Montenegrin nationalism was no longer useful.

Resignation and first retirement (2006–2008)

On 3 October 2006, it was announced that Đukanović was stepping down as prime minister, despite the victory of his Coalition for a European Montenegro in the September 2006 parliamentary election, although he would remain leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists. On 4 October, he endorsed Željko Šturanović as his successor. The choice of Šturanović was considered a compromise between Đukanović and Svetozar Marović, as Đukanović's first candidate was Igor Lukšić, the Minister of Finance.

Đukanović formally ceased to be the Prime Minister on 10 November 2006, as the new Government was elected by Parliament of Montenegro. He cited his reasons for stepping down as "being tired of politics", and wishing to try himself out as a businessman. Đukanović served as a member of Parliament from October 2006 to February 2008. He announced that he might be willing to run in the April 2008 presidential election but eventually decided against it, allowing Vujanović to easily win a second term.

Đukanović headed the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro on 22 October 2007. He received support from almost all DPS municipal boards and committees. Since 2006, Đukanović has opened five private businesses, the latest called Global Montenegro on 25 February 2008, and bought actions in his brother's bank, altogether amassing property worth millions of euros. His other four companies are: Universitas, Capital Invest, Primary Invest, and Select Investments.

Fifth term as prime minister (2008–2010)

On 20 February 2008, President Vujanović nominated Đukanović as prime minister after Šturanović resigned due to illness. He was accordingly elected as prime minister on 29 February 2008. His party won the 2009 parliamentary election.

From 2008, Đukanović's time in the office was marked with advancing EU and NATO integration processes, in which Montenegro mostly went ahead of its neighbors. In the meantime, on 9 October 2008, Montenegro recognized Kosovo's independence, becoming the fourth former Yugoslav republic to recognize Kosovo. In the 2009 parliamentary election, Đukanović's coalition again won a majority of seats.

Montenegro submitted its application for EU membership in December 2008. On 22 July 2009, EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn handed over the commission's Questionnaire to Đukanović in Podgorica and on 9 December 2009, Đukanović delivered to Rehn Montenegro's replies to the commission's Questionnaire in Brussels. Later that year Montenegro achieved visa liberalisation with the EU. On 1 May 2010, the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) entered into force. On 17 December 2010, Montenegro became an official EU candidate. As for Montenegro's NATO accession bid, the Allies decided to grant its request to join the Membership Action Plan (MAP) in December 2009.

Resignation and second retirement (2010–2012)

After giving indications he would step down once the European Union granted official candidate status to Montenegro's membership application, which it did on 17 December 2010, Đukanović resigned as prime minister on 21 December 2010. His party's leadership proposed Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Igor Lukšić to lead the new government. Lukšić was confirmed as the new prime minister by the Parliament of Montenegro on 29 December 2010.

Just like when he stepped down last time, Đukanović again retained the DPS party chairmanship. Furthermore, he did not rule out possible future campaigns for public office, including a 2013 run for President of Montenegro or a run for another tenure as prime minister.

Sixth term as prime minister (2012–2016)

After the parliamentary election on 14 October 2012, Đukanović informed President Vujanović that he was capable of forming a government. His cabinet was approved by Parliament on 4 December 2012 and Đukanović returned to the office of prime minister on the same day. Together with Viktor Orbán of Hungary, Đukanović was a runner-up to Vladimir Putin for the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project's 2014 "Person of the Year in Organized Crime" award, recognizing "the person who does the most to enable and promote organized criminal activity." He later won the award in 2015.

In 2016, following 2016 Montenegrin parliamentary election, Đukanović retired for a third time and stepped down as prime minister. However, he still remained the leader of DPS.

Re-election to presidency (2018)

In 2018, it was announced Đukanović would be his party's candidate for the 2018 presidential election. It was the second time Đukanović ran for president, the last time having been in the controversial 1997 election. He won the election by a large margin, as opposition parties by and large campaigned for independent candidate Mladen Bojanić.

In 2020, the Freedom House reported that years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović have tipped his country over the edge – for the first time since 2003, Montenegro is no longer categorized as a democracy and became a hybrid regime.

For the first time in three decades and for the first time since the introduction of multi-party politics in Montenegro, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling DPS. The OSCE and the ODIHR announced in preliminary findings that the 2020 elections were competitive and held in a highly polarized atmosphere especially regarding issues of church and national identity. They further concluded the election date had not been held in accordance with the Constitution, there had been no independent campaign coverage, and the ruling party had profited unjustifiably through widespread abuse of office and state resources.

On 1 September 2020, Đukanović accused Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro, as well of alleged trying to revive a "Greater Serbia policy".

2023 presidential election

Đukanović was eligible for re-election in the 2023 presidential election, since his first presidential term (1998–2003) was served before the 2006 independence referendum. Neither Đukanović nor his party announced to the public whether he planned to run in the elections, while Đukanović ultimately did not announce his candidacy until 24 February, two days before the deadline for submission of candidacies. The presidential elections were preceded by the 2022 Montenegrin local elections, which resulted in poor results for Đukanović's party.

In the first round, held on 19 March 2023, Đukanović received 35% of the vote, coming first. Jakov Milatović, candidate of the newly formed centrist Europe Now! movement, running on an anti-corruption platform, outperformed the polls, gaining 29% of the votes and faced Đukanović in the second round. The second round runoff, held two weeks later on 2 April, resulted in Milatović defeating Đukanović in a landslide, becoming the first elected president not being a member of the Đukanović's DPS since the introduction of the multi-party system in 1990, winning roughly 60% of the popular vote.

Following the election, Đukanović resigned as President of the DPS on 6 April, ending his 24 year tenure.

Economic policy

The economic policy of Đukanović was focused on the development of tourism and privatisation. The Tivat shipyard, which was the pride of the Yugoslav navy, was bought by Canadian billionaire Peter Munk after Montenegro's independence and converted into a marina for rich foreigners. The Podgorica aluminium smelter – the country's only major industry – was sold in 2005 to Russian businessman Oleg Deripaska, who also joined forces with British banker Jacob Rothschild and French oligarch Bernard Arnault in a project to build "a new Monaco" on the shores of the Adriatic. Much of the former military land has been sold to investors, including the children of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Egyptian billionaire Samih Sawiris, who are building a luxury complex and residences. Criminal networks have also taken advantage of the frenetic development of tourist activities and invested in hotel, casino and leisure park projects. The Splendid Hotel, the most emblematic of these constructions, hosted the lavish weddings of the children of Montenegro's most powerful "godfather", Branislav Mićunović, in the presence of the country's elites.

Privatisation has encouraged corruption and enriched those close to the government. Thus, according to Milka Tadić Mijović, president of the Centre for Journalistic Investigation, "those at the top take the biggest share of the corruption. Over the past thirty years, most of the state-owned companies have been privatised in a covert way. Ðukanović and his family have become the richest people in the country. His brother Aleksandar, who was unemployed, controls the capital of the largest financial institution in Montenegro, Prva Banka. His sister Ana, who was a judge during the privatisations, owns one of the biggest law firms. A foreign investor who does not want to have problems will be well advised to use the services of this firm.

This policy has also contributed to reinforcing regional disparities and social inequalities. By 2018, unemployment rose to 36.6% in the northern part of the country, compared to 3.9% in the coastal region, while a quarter of the population lived below the poverty line (2018).

Controversies

Allegations of tobacco smuggling

In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples linked Đukanović with an organised crime racket worth billions of euros. Đukanović called a press conference in Podgorica to deny the allegations as a "loathsome political trick", aimed at criminalising him and his country. Djukanovic has long been dogged by suspicions that he was involved in tobacco smuggling in Italy.

On 16 April 2003, the Judge for Preliminary Inquiries in Naples rejected the Antimafia Commission's request for a warrant for Đukanović's arrest, claiming him to be immune from arrest as Prime Minister of Montenegro. The commission had been investigating him for some time, since at least May 2002 and had further requested his arrest as a precautionary measure.

The case was appealed to the Naples Court of Review, which ruled in Đukanović's favor. Besides claiming his immunity, he was described as not socially dangerous as well as ignorant that he was committing crimes. The case was then once again appealed, to the Court of Cassation (Corte di Cassazione). On 28 December 2004, this court ruled in favor of the Antimafia Commission. It argued that as Montenegro was not a sovereign state, Đukanović had no diplomatic immunity.

After the independence referendum, Đukanović's lawyer, Enrico Tuccillo, said that "The referendum has confirmed the premise of the Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, about the sovereignty of Montenegro: therefore no doubt can now remain about the immunity, granted to heads of state and of government, which Đukanović enjoyed and enjoys."

On 27 March 2008, Đukanović made a low-profile visit to the prosecutor's office in Bari. He was questioned for six-and-a-half hours and answered about 80 prosecutor's questions regarding the accusations against him. On this occasion, Đukanović's lawyer said that he had written evidence proving that, at the time when his client submitted the request to give a statement to the Italian prosecution authorities in Bari, he did not occupy any public office whatsoever and, therefore, had no intention of hiding behind immunity in the first place. In April 2009, the prosecution authorities finally dropped the case against Đukanović.

According to court documents, "Montenegro has been a haven for illegal trafficking, where criminals acted with impunity, while the ports of Bar and Kotor were used as logistic bases for motor boats, with protection which was guaranteed by the government." In December 2009, Francesco Forgione, a former Italian MP who led the Italian Parliament's Anti-Mafia Commission from 2006 to 2008, published a book titled Mafia Export which cited the Montenegrin mafia and Djukanovic as one of the organisers of international cigarette smuggling between 1994 and 2000. By 2000, the illegal trade was worth several billion dollars annually, according to EU and US agencies.

Pandora Papers and malversation

Đukanović was featured in the Pandora Papers, a leak of financial documents which were published in early October 2021. It was reported that Đukanović and his son Blažo have been passing money to offshore accounts since 2012, when they established secret asset management agreements behind a network of companies in more than five countries. He and his son established two trusts namely the Victoria Trust and Capecastel Trust. Đukanović admitted that he founded Victoria Trust while he was not a public office holder, that he had no business transactions or open bank accounts, and he claimed that at the end of the year, he transferred the ownership of his trust to Blažo. Đukanović's cabinet also stated that this leak is "a part of series of attempts to discredit Đukanović and his family members" and that the trusts only existed "on paper". Similar to this case, Đukanović previously denied owning businesses in other countries.

Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić called for investigation of Đukanović's family, while the Foreign Affairs Minister Đorđe Radulović commented on this situation by saying that "Đukanović misused his diplomatic passport when opening his private companies". Đukanović was also mentioned in a money laundering affair in which Rezart Taçi intervened with Đukanović for a transfer from the "president's bank".

Smears against journalists

Đukanović has a track record of attacking critical journalists and media outlets, smearing them as a "media mafia", claiming they are linked to organised crime, and calling them "rats", "monsters", "enemies of the state".

Anti-government riots

In 2015, the investigative journalists' network OCCRP has named Milo Đukanović "Person of the Year in Organized Crime". The extent of Đukanović's corruption led to street demonstrations and calls for his removal.

Several thousand protesters demanding the resignation of Milo Đukanović and the formation of an interim government marched in the centre of the capital Podgorica on the evening of 25 October 2015. Montenegrin police fired tear gas at opposition supporters, while chasing away the demonstrators with armored vehicles.

Sandžak

Muamer Zukorlić stated that Milo Đukanović previously promised that Bosniaks will have their autonomy within Montenegro, but that he went on to break their deal and that therefore his "conscience is not clear".

Religion law

As of December 2019 Montenegrin parliament proclaimed a controversial religion law which de jure transfers the ownership of church buildings and estates from the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro to the Montenegrin state. In February 2020 Đukanović called the citizens protesting against the newly proclaimed religion law "a lunatic movement". The religion law is seen as a major factor in Đukanović and the DPS' defeat during the 2020 elections.

Cetinje enthronement crisis

After it was announced that the enthronement ceremony of Joanikije Mićović of the Serbian Orthodox Church as the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral would be held in Cetinje, the Church's ecclesiastical seat, on 5 September 2021, Đukanović called for the ceremony to be held elsewhere and stated that he would be present at the protest that day unless this was done. On 26 August, he chaired a session of the Defence and Security Council with all top officials of Montenegro attending. The Council session addressed the "security challenges caused by the announced enthronement of the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral" and urged "all socio-political actors" to keep peace and respect the Constitution and laws. On 4 September, on the eve of the scheduled enthronement, Đukanović arrived in the town of Cetinje along with some of his DPS colleagues. Both the Metropolitan and the Patriarch were flown to Cetinje by helicopter and then led into the monastery by heavily armed riot police holding bulletproof vests over their bodies to protect them, as riot police used tear gas to disperse protesters who hurled rocks and bottles at them and fired guns into the air. No fewer than 20 people were injured and police arrested more than a dozen people, including the security advisor to Đukanović, Veselin Veljović.

Following the enthronement, Đukanović, called it the government's Pyrrhic victory and "a great embarrassment of the Serbian Church and the government of Montenegro"; he later elaborated saying that the enthronement came as another one in a series of episodes in the renewed offensive of Serbian nationalism on Montenegro, the Krivokapić administration being "in the service of the Church of Serbia, which is an instrument for implementing the "Greater Serbia project", the official state policy of Belgrade". Montenegrin officials accused Đukanović and his party of an "attempted coup" following the riots. On 22 September, the Montenegrin parliament launched an inquiry to the Constitutional Court to rule if Đukanović had violated constitutional articles by backing the protesters. The Constitutional Court ultimately judged him not guilty on 4 February 2022.

Legacy

The term milogorac (pl. milogorci; Serbian Cyrillic: милогорац, pl. милогорци), an ethnophaulism referring to anti-Serb Montenegrin nationalists, is a portmanteau of Đukanović's first name and crnogorac, the neutral word for a Montenegrin in Serbo-Croatian.

Honours and awards

Albanian National Flag Order received on 12 July 2016.

Collar of the National Order of Merit of Paraguay on 23 December 2018.

Grand Cross of the Order of San Marino received on 4 March 2022.