National Bolshevik Party

Ideology

Party platform

The NBP claimed inspiration from the National Bolshevik ideas that arose during the Russian Civil War, such as those of Nikolai Ustryalov, who came to believe that Bolshevism could be modified to serve nationalistic purposes. His followers, the Smenovekhovtsy, who then came to regard themselves as National Bolsheviks, borrowed the term from German politician Ernst Niekisch, who was initially associated with left-wing politics and later National Bolshevism. However, the NBP differed from their cited historical inspirations; while Ustryalov advocated for capitalism, the NBP instead agitated for nationalisation and a welfare state. According to scholar Marta Żakowska, the party's ideology "aligns more closely with recent leftist philosophical thought than with the historical projects it alludes to in its name". Limonov also distanced himself from the historical National Bolshevism and saw National Bolshevism and the NBP as two different things.

The NBP's ideology and style were initially modeled after Italian fascism while the party simultaneously defended the Soviet Union's domestic policies, specifically those implemented under Stalinism, asserting that they were a means of preserving the country's "national and social justice." The party was described by observers as a mixture of far-left and far-right ideology. Some analysts have interpreted the totalitarian aesthetics, uniformity, and ideology of the NBP as a form of postmodern stiob, satire, and contrarianism.

The party's base was, especially in its early days, very heterodox and considered a big tent of radicalized political groups and subcultures, which made the establishment of a unified party line that went beyond anti-establishment, as tried by Dugin, difficult. Sociologist Alexander Tarasov described the party as a "lifestyle party" in which everyone "projected their own political beliefs onto Limonov" and the party served as a "psychological outlet" for young people who were dissatisfied with Yeltsin's Russia. This allowed Limonov to pivot dynamically. He described the party base as a bizarre mix of "retired Stalinists, former Trotskyists, postmodernist gays, Nazi skinheads, former anarchists, punks, bohemians, Orthodox traditionalists, Buddhist neophytes, and so on." According to Tarasov, the party had problems arranging seating plans as to avoid scuffles between the different groups. Limonov, with his hypermasculine, scandal-ridden and rebellious image and fashion style (black combat boots, leather jacket, tinted glasses), established a cult following among some young, disenfranchised men who flocked to the party.

Counterculture

Since its formation, the National Bolshevik Party has had relationships with the Russian counterculture in Russia, the post-Soviet countries, and Israel. National Bolsheviks often used shock aesthetics from the punk subculture in their propaganda and the NBP was structured more like an avant-garde art project than a political party in its early years. The NBP attracted a significant number of artists, punk musicians, and rock bands. Bands involved in the party included Letov's Grazhdanskaya Oborona, Kalinov Most, Volshebnaya Gora, Korrozia Metalla, Zapreshchennye barabanshchiki, Krasnye Zvezdy, Pop-Mechanics, Nozh dlya frau Myuller, Banda chetyryokh, Rodina and Instruktsiya po Vyzhivaniyu. Punk music was considered one of the main modes of expression of the NBP, while many visual artists designed various forms of avant-garde agitprop for the party, using the NBP as a platform for their artistic expression. Some of these bands performed as part of the NBP-affiliated rock project Russkiy proryv ("Russian Breakthrough"). Gonzo tabloid The eXile also featured NBP material, including a column by Limonov. Limonov, who was involved in punk circles during his exile in New York City and called himself the "Johnny Rotten of literature", aimed at cultivating a following of punks, bohemians, artists, and misfits, and wanted the NBP to become the leading organization of the Russian counterculture and avant-garde. In the manifesto of The Other Russia, NBP's unofficial successor party, Limonov wrote that the October Revolution was not initially organized by the "sailors, peasants and [...] workers", but by "misfits, hysterics, tramps, demagogues, orators, half-educated people, bums, and all kinds of rolling stones."

Party symbolism

The symbols of the National Bolshevik Party are a combination of communist, national socialist, and Imperial Russian symbols; the party nonetheless denied any link to fascism and national socialism. The symbol was designed by graphic designer Konstantin Chuvachev and inspired from the shirt worn by Sid Vicious, portrayed by Gary Oldman, in the 1986 film Sid and Nancy. Sid Vicious, like many punks at the time, wore a swastika for shock value, which was changed for the film to a hammer and sickle to avoid censorship. The party's flag was first unveiled at a Yegor Letov concert in Moscow in 1993.

The party's motto was "Russia is everything, the rest is nothing!" (Russian: "Россия — всё, остальное — ничто!"), and it adopted the greeting "Yes, death!" (Russian: "Да, смерть!"). The party's members also combined the roman salute with the raised fist.

History

1992–2000: origins and early years

In 1992, Eduard Limonov founded the National Bolshevik Front (NBF) as an amalgamation of six minor groups. Aleksandr Dugin was among the earliest members and was instrumental in convincing Limonov to enter politics. The front first attracted attention in the same year when two members were arrested for possessing grenades. The incident gave the NBF publicity for a boycott campaign they were organizing against Western goods. The NBF joined forces with the National Salvation Front (NSF), which was a broad coalition of Russian communists and nationalists.

On 1 May 1993, Limonov and Dugin signed the declaration of the founding of the NBP:

The political struggle in Russia has reached a critical point. The resistance phase has exhausted itself, and therefore the traditional opposition (merely emotional, purely protest-based) has exhausted itself. The period of resistance is over, and a period of national uprising is beginning.

This new stage requires new methods, new forms, and new instruments of political struggle. Therefore, we deem it necessary to create a radical political and ideological structure of a new, unprecedented type, designed to adequately respond to the challenge of History. Let there be National Bolshevism!

What is National Bolshevism? The fusion of the most radical forms of social resistance with the most radical forms of national resistance is National Bolshevism.

Along with Dugin and Limonov, a co-founding member of the party was Siberian punk musician Yegor Letov, who was invited by Limonov. According to Limonov, Letov's membership in the party drew "thousands of recruits over the years", but he "proved to be inconsistent, capricious, and unpredictable". Other prominent musicians who were members of the NBP included Sergey Kuryokhin, Sergei "Pauk" Troitsky of Korrozia Metalla, Dmitry Revyakin of Kalinov Most, Limonov's then-wife Nataliya Medvedeva, Aleksandr Nepomnyashchiy and Roman Konoplev. Artists who collaborated with the party included writers Alexei Tsvetkov and Zakhar Prilepin, filmmaker Oleg Mavromati, visual artist Slava Mogutin, journalists Mark Ames and Matt Taibbi of The eXile, and mathematician Misha Verbitsky.

2001–2003: arrest of Eduard Limonov

Limonov, Limonka editor Sergei Aksenov and a number of supporters were arrested in April 2001 at a village in Altai close to the Kazakhi border by the FSB after illegally acquiring weapons and munition. Five members including Limonov and Aksenov, were jailed on charges of terrorism, the forced overthrow of the constitutional order, and the illegal purchase of weapons. The Russian government accused the group of trying to raise a private milita to invade Kazakhstan and incite a popular uprising of the Russian diaspora in the East Kazakhstan Region.

After Limonov's arrest, party members started activities (including direct action stunts) against Putin's government. In 2002, NBP members participated in Anticapitalism 2002, a demonstration of far-left forces in Moscow. National Bolsheviks clashed with OMON. In 2003, Limonov was released from Lefortovo Prison.

2004–2007: in opposition to the government

Since 2004, the NBP has formed alliances with other opposition forces, both far-left and right-wing. In 2004, Limonov signed the declaration titled "Russia without Putin." In August 2006, a right-wing anti-Limonov faction of the NBP formed the National Bolshevik Front, which became officially affiliated with Dugin's Eurasian Youth Union. In February 2004, the left-wing nationalist party Rodina was formed and has been accused of being a government sponsored spoiler to push moderate nationalists away from the NBP.

Limonov and the NBP were targets of harassment by pro-Kremlin groups like Nashi, who accused Limonov and the NBP of fascism. On 29 August 2005, members of the NBP, Rodina, and other leftist groups were attacked by a group of masked men with baseball bats after a meeting. According to multiple sources and Limonov, the men wore Nashi insignia. Nashi denied any involvement.

On 2 August 2006, Limonov filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights regarding Rosreestr's refusal to officially register the NBP as a political party, claiming that this refusal is "an act of state suppression of the political opposition in the Russian Federation." In its refusal, dated January 2006, Rosreestr determined that the NBP's founding congress lacked a quorum and that its program "contains elements of nationalist agendas expressed in the stated goal of protecting the rights of Russian and Russian-speaking people," which violates Article 9 of the Law "On Political Parties."

The NBP became a prominent member of The Other Russia coalition of opposition parties. In 2007, the NBP members took part in a Dissenters' March and other subsequent demonstrations against the government.

2007–2010: outlawed and aftermath

The NBP was banned by a Russian lower court in June 2005; the Supreme Court of Russia overturned that ban on 16 August 2005. In November 2005, the Supreme Court upheld a ban on the party on the grounds that the NBP called itself a political party without being registered as such.

On 19 April 2007, the Moscow City Court, pursuant to Articles 7 and 9 of the Federal Law "On Combating Extremist Activity", declared the NBP to be extremist and banned its activities in Russia; on 7 August, the Supreme Court of Russia upheld this decision, recognizing the NBP as an extremist organization and confirming the ban. The decision was based on three incidents:

A warning issued to the Chelyabinsk branch of the NBP for several publications in its newspaper, PARA BELLUM, in 2005–2006, for which three of its authors were convicted on charges of inciting ethnic hatred, calling for extremist activity, and attempting to organize mass riots. However, this group of Chelyabinsk National Bolsheviks led an intra-party split composed of a consistently nationalist-oriented section of the NBP activists dissatisfied with the leadership's new political course. As a result, a large group of NBP members, including those responsible for these publications, were expelled from the NBP by a decision of the NBP Political Council on 11 March 2006. This was followed by a public disassociation from the "Chelyabinsk splitters" on the NBP website, which, among other things, stated that one of them had been expelled for an article that later figured in his case;

A direct action at a session of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg on 22 November 2006 by three National Bolsheviks who distributed leaflets and allegedly used violence against police officers;

A direct action at a polling station in Odintsovo, Moscow Oblast, on 11 March 2007, during the elections to the Moscow Oblast Duma, by three National Bolsheviks, who lit smoke flares, attempted to distribute leaflets, and overturned a ballot box, and also injured the hand of the chairperson of the election commission who tried to stop them.

By 2008, the St. Petersburg court dropped the criminal prosecutions of the activists who participated in the action at the Legislative Assembly. On this basis, Limonov insisted that this annulled one of the counts for which the party was recognised as extremist and appealed for the Supreme Court to review the case in light of this. However, this appeal was denied on 1 April 2008.

Tactics

The NBP often relied on non-violent direct action stunts, mostly involving throwing food at prominent government officials and occupation of government buildings. The party cited the Greenpeace movement as an inspiration in its tactics. Drawing on Western protest culture, the party was one of the first groups in Russia to adopt direct action and flash mob tactics and inspired others in the opposition movement to do so; those influenced by the NBP's tactics include the organisations Vanguard of Red Youth, Oborona,Youth Yabloko, activist Petr Pavlensky, and Pussy Riot.

Justifying its use of direct action tactics over traditional party campaigning, the NBP stated: "The government cuts off all forces it deems undesirable from the electoral process. [...] In response to being squeezed out of mainstream politics, the National Bolsheviks began organizing direct actions to make their position known. Traditional rallies and marches have long been ineffective, as they are usually ignored by those in power."

Due to these actions, which the NBP called "velvet terror", over 100 of its members have been jailed over the years.

Notable direct actions

On 24 August 1999, sixteen NBP activists occupied a tower of the Sailors' Club in Sevastopol on Ukraine's Independence Day, hanging the party flag from the building and distributing leaflets. The protest was performed under the slogan "Sevastopol is a Russian city!" and aimed against "Ukraine's occupation of Sevastopol, the State Duma's ratification of the treaty with Ukraine, and Ukraine's accession to NATO." The occupation lasted for over two hours until the building was stormed by Russian marines from the Black Sea Fleet and the activists were arrested by Ukrainian police. Some of the activists were sentenced to prison.

On 17 November 2000, NBP activists seized the belltower of St. Peter's Church in Riga, threatening to detonate a hand grenade and demanding that the Latvian government "immediately release all Soviet war veterans languishing behind bars, grant equal rights to Russians in Latvia, and renounce the bid to join NATO" as well as release NBP members in custody in Latvia. During the occupation, the activists unfurled an NBP flag from the tower and a banner with the slogan, "Freedom for our veterans". After two hours, the activists surrendered, and it was later revealed that the grenade was a fake. Three of the activists, all Russian citizens, were charged with terrorism, but during the trial, their charges were reduced to hooliganism; they were extradited to Russia and released by 2003.

During Prince Charles' tour of the Baltic states in 2001, a member of the Latvian branch of the NBP hit Charles' face with a flower in an act of protest against the war in Afghanistan. During the 2002 Prague summit, two NBP members threw tomatoes at Secretary General of NATO George Robertson, shouting, "NATO is worse than the Gestapo", "no to the expansion of NATO", and "the blood of children is on your hands" in Russian.

On 11 September 2002, 30 NBP activists protested in front of the residence of US ambassador Sandy Vershbow on the anniversary of the September 11 attacks, dedicating it to the "kamikaze-heroes" and proclaiming "solidarity with all rogue states".

On 3 December 2003, NBP activists occupied the roof of the Ministry of Justice building in Moscow as a protest against the Ministry's fifth refusal to register the NBP as a political party and unfair elections. Some activists forced their way inside and attempted to deliver a petition for registration to Minister of Justice Yury Chaika, while others held a rally by the entrance of the building. The activists hung banners from the roof with the slogans "Freedom or death!" and "We will teach you to love the constitution!". The activists were detained after the protest.

International groups

The National Bolshevik Party founded branches across the post-Soviet states. The most active branches outside of Russia were in Latvia, Ukraine, and Belarus. Several small associated groups, often made up of Russian immigrants, also existed in countries across Europe and North America. Most of them did not have official registration.

Israel

An Israeli chapter of the NBP, known as Another Israel, was active in the mid-2000s. It was influenced by Eurasianism, supporting Israel on the grounds that it is geopolitically located in "Eurasia", while also maintaining a critical stance of the government of Ariel Sharon. They were in close contact with the Russian branch.

Latvia

Latvia's NBP has had members hold office in Riga, and has executed notable publicity stunts, but it remains largely marginal there. The Latvian branch has been led by Vladimir Linderman and Benes Ayo. In 2003, Linderman was accused of storing explosives and of calling for the overthrow of the political system. He left Latvia and moved to Russia. In 2005, during the visit of George W. Bush in Latvia, local national Bolsheviks and the Vanguard of Red Youth organized meetings "against American imperialism". Police broke up a demonstration and arrested its participants. The Latvian NBP was also active in anti-capitalist demonstrations and in anti-Nazi blockades during Remembrance Day of the Latvian Legionnaires.

Moldova

A chapter of the NBP existed in Moldova.

Sweden

A chapter of the NBP existed in Sweden.

Ukraine

Largely based in Eastern Ukraine, the NBP initially joined forces with other small parties and signed a "Declaration of the Kiev Council of Slav Radical Nationalists" together with Ukrainian nationalists. Later, Ukrainian National Bolsheviks participated in demonstrations against Ukrainian nationalists on the anniversary of the founding of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. National Bolsheviks also organized actions against the rapprochement of Ukraine–NATO relations. During the Orange Revolution, the Ukrainian NBP decided to remain neutral. National Bolsheviks also formed armed troop interbrigades and participated in the war in Donbas.

United States

An NBP chapter existed in the United States around 2005. It espoused a Third Positionist worldview, describing itself as "Beyond the Left and Right" and rejecting both capitalism and Marxism.

Controversy

Critics of the NBP in both Russia and the West commented on the party's heavy use of totalitarian and fascist symbols. Some academics have described the group as neo-fascist. In the Russian media, the National Bolshevik Party was usually referred to as a far-left youth movement; however, some critics (including ex-members) allege that the NBP was dedicated to committing a colour revolution in Russia. Co-founder Yegor Letov distanced himself from the NBP and criticized their activities as "a kind of provocation directed at oneself - as in the case of Limonov, for example."

Notable members

Current

Until banning of the NBP in 2007

Media depictions

Films

Sud nad prizrakom (2002)

Saratov (2002)

Fuck off Mr. Bond! (2002)

Da, smert (2004)

Zuby drakona (2005)

Les Enfants terribles de Vladimir Vladimirovitch Poutine (2006)

The Revolution That Wasn't (2008)

Utopie Russe (2014)

Can't Get You Out of My Head (2021)

Books

By Eduard Limonov

Anatomy of a Hero (1997)

My Political Biography (2002)

Russian Psycho (2003)

The Other Russia (2003)

By other authors

Ultranormalnost (2005), a novel by Natan Dubovitskiy

Generation of Limonka (2005), a collection of short stories by multiple young Russian authors

The Gospel of the Extremist (2005), a novel by Roman Konoplev

Sankya (2006), a novel by Zakhar Prilepin

The Way of the Hongweibin (2006), a novel by Dmitri Zhvaniya

A Russian Diary: A Journalist's Final Account of Life, Corruption, and Death in Putin's Russia a book by Anna Politkovskaya

Truth of the Trenches of the Chechen War (2007), a collection of articles by multiple Russian authors

12 Who Don't Agree (2009), a non-fiction book by Valery Panyushkin

Girls of the Party (2011), a photo-album by Sergei Belyak

Limonka to Prison (2012), a novel by NBP political prisoners

Limonov (2011), a biographical novel by Emmanuel Carrère

Religion of the Furious (2013), a novel by Ekaterina Rysk

Other

Orda, a comic book by Igor Baranko